European decision-makers point to flexible relationships with the EU as a way to maintain their countries’ independence and autonomy. New research from ARENA suggests that political differentiation might in fact lead to the opposite, which does not bode well for the UK after Brexit.
James G. March was for 50 years a research collaborator and close friend of ARENA founder Johan P. Olsen. Their research on institutions and organizations have inspired countless researchers within numerous fields of study, such as European Studies.
Could the 'Norway model' work for the UK post-Brexit? Do EU agencies threaten the EEA agreement? These were topics of discussion when policy-makers and ARENA researchers met during Arendalsuka 2018.
A research group at ARENA Centre for European Studies headed by Prof. John Erik Fossum has succeeded in a highly competitive bid for international research funding. ARENA is celebrating the success.
Since 2008, the European Union faces a range of existential threats between populism, technocracy, and mediatisation. How can the EU address the rise of populist parties, the expanding role of the EU’s depoliticized bodies, and the world of social media?
Johan P. Olsen’s ‘The Reforming Organization’ has been published in a new edition by Routledge. The book is increasingly relevant, following a revived interest in formal reform and their impact on practical organizational outcomes.
During the euro crisis, the European Central Bank carved out a new and more significant role for itself. While many agree that this saved the euro in the short term, new research by Jørgen Bølstad at ARENA suggests that the ECB’s new role as a lender of last resort may also prevent future crises.
If the EU admits that it is a federation, the Union might be better able to strike the right balance between the supranational and national levels. Professor John Erik Fossum wants to revive the controversial concept.
Modern democracies depend on expert knowledge. Yet giving more and more power to expert bodies that are not democratically elected may pose a threat to democracy. How can we avoid the illegitimate rule of experts?
The EU's legitimacy in the wake of the financial crisis was discussed by an international group of researchers in Oslo last month. PLATO has relevance written all over it, Vice-Rector Åse Gornitzka said at the project's kick-off Conference.
Fifteen young researchers from all over Europe are starting their PhDs this fall, all with the same question: Did the financial crisis lead to a crisis that now calls into question the very existence of the European Union?
European integration was long seen as unproblematic. Then Brexit came as a shock. ‘The world is changing, and it's both exciting and frightening,’ Professor Johan P. Olsen says.
The 22 July Commission in Norway was closed and dominated by directors and experts. The Commission for Nuclear Waste Storage in Germany was open and dominated by expert groups and politicians. Which was better?
Economists have a large impact on policy-making, Johan Christensen writes in his latest book, where he reveals that neutral bureaucrats do not exist.
GLOBUS researchers gathered in Oslo on 19 and 20 January 2017 to discuss how to make sense of the EU’s contribution – if any – to a rightful world order.
On the International Women's Day, Cathrine Holst warns that the global state of gender equality is under threat.
Things were simpler before. All refugees were political dissidents, and all Europeans were European citizens. Not anymore. The refugee crisis has affected the way we view not only refugees but also European citizens.
Half of all Norwegian jobs will require a masters degree in the next ten years. It will therefore be increasingly important to ensure universities' success, says FLAGSHIP researchers to University World News.
Jarle Trondal and Christopher Ansell have written a column for Statecrafting.net, building on their newly published book Governance in Turbulent Times.
Although European states such as Norway or Switzerland have different kinds of relationships with the EU, they are all becoming increasingly integrated into it, without any formal say. These states have given up national sovereignty without any compensation at EU level, and the UK’s debate should be mindful of the hegemonic nature of relations between the EU and its closely associated non-members.
Can the Brits actually decide if they want out of the EU on the 23rd of June?
While awaiting collective European action, the refugees are thrown back and forth between states protecting their borders.
The truism is that crises create more integration. Although this has been the case in the past, there is no guarantee that it will be so in the future. Now the crises are numerous, and they also reveal the weaknesses of the EU structure.
Why has Norway ended up in a very precarious democratic situation because of its relationship with the EU? Why is the UK prime Minister saying, 'don't look to Norway'?