Miroslav Kreos-Nemcok

• Brännlund, Anton; Weckman, Albert; Wass, Hanna; Tukiainen, Janne; Soini, Vesa‐Heikki & Nemčok, Miroslav [Show all 7 contributors for this article] (2026). Citizens' Preferences for Narrow and Broad Security Threats: Evidence From a New NATO Member State. Scandinavian Political Studies. ISSN 0080-6757. 49(3). doi: 10.1111/1467-9477.70051. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  This study explores citizens' evaluations of competing security threats and prioritizes policy responses using data from Finland. Despite escalating geopolitical tensions and proximity to Russia, Finnish public opinion favors broader human security concerns, such as climate change and organized crime, over traditional military threats. Using a randomized conjoint experiment, we analyze how individuals evaluate trade‐offs between different threat environments and security policy arrangements across national, community, and personal security domains. The results show that internal and environmental security threats strongly influence public preferences, often as much as or more than military threats. These patterns are consistent across demographic and political subgroups, suggesting that public security preferences are relatively stable and multidimensional rather than purely reactive to short‐term geopolitical developments. While there is support for moderate defense spending and alliance commitments such as NATO membership, proposals involving nuclear weapons or very high military spending face public resistance. The study highlights the importance of public opinion in shaping security policy priorities, particularly in small states where resource constraints make trade‐offs between different security domains more visible. The findings contribute to research on public opinion and security policy by demonstrating how citizens prioritize military and non‐military security concerns within a comprehensive security framework.

• Nemčok, Miroslav; Daoust, Jean-Francois & Ehin, Piret (2026). Satisfaction with democracy after winning and losing without elections. European Journal of Political Research. ISSN 0304-4130. doi: 10.1017/s1475676526101479. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Voters of government parties are systematically more satisfied with democracy than supporters of opposition parties. The dynamics of this winner-loser gap are typically studied in the context of elections. However, it is not clear how changes in government composition that occur without elections midway through an electoral cycle, and that change voters’ winner/loser status, influence satisfaction with democracy. We address this question by examining an unexpected government change in Estonia in 2016, which interrupted the European Social Survey data collection (Round 8). The largest party in a three-party coalition government was replaced by the largest opposition party midway through the 2015–2019 electoral cycle while all other parties retained their government or opposition status. These circumstances enabled us to examine the effect of winning and losing without elections using fixed effects models, including a difference-in-differences design. The results provide suggestive but fragile evidence that losing government status might reduce satisfaction with democracy, whereas the effect of winning is modest at best and statistically inconclusive. Where effects emerge, they do so with a lag of approximately six weeks, coinciding with the implementation of a major tax reform – consistent with policy-based considerations rather than by immediate affective responses.

• Nemcok, Miroslav (2025). Special Voting Arrangements. In Garnett, Holly Ann & James, Toby S. (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Integrity. Oxford University Press. ISSN 9780197777527. doi: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197777497.013.0024. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Special voting arrangements intended to increase the convenience of voting—such as early voting, mobile ballot boxes, postal voting, remote online voting, and proxy voting—are widely implemented across the world alongside traditional voting at polling stations on election day. These vote facilitation instruments are designed to assist voters who face difficulties in reaching polling stations on election day, whether due to geographic distance, time constraints, or health conditions. However, voting outside the controlled environment of polling stations typically involves more relaxed administrative procedures, which can raise concerns about electoral integrity. This chapter introduces special voting arrangements and presents their implementation worldwide. It also systematizes current research on their effects, drawing on two key theoretical frameworks: rational choice theory and the human reflexivity approach. The review of existing research indicates that while these voting arrangements have a limited effect on increasing electoral participation, the relaxation of administrative rules—despite limited evidence suggesting it complicates adjudication of electoral regulations—undermines perception of electoral integrity among some voters. Thus, election authorities must carefully balance the goal of increasing convenience, which may potentially lead to higher participation, with the imperative of safeguarding electoral integrity.

• Nemčok, Miroslav; Im, Zhen Jie; Grasso, Maria & Bezzo, Franco Bonomi (2025). Public opinion and the welfare state: sources, processes, and consequences. Journal of European Public Policy. ISSN 1350-1763. doi: 10.1080/13501763.2025.2572362. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The legitimacy and resilience of the welfare state rest on sustained public support. This introduction reviews the literature on welfare attitudes and public opinion formation on the welfare state. It organises the discussion of the literature on the formation of public opinion in welfare states around three interrelated dimensions: sources, processes, and consequences. The first dimension, sources, is understood here to encompass individual predispositions and traits as well as contextual factors that anchor citizens to certain stances from which their attitudes develop. Processes instead involve evaluations of welfare institutions – through direct experiences, indirect observations of policy designs and implementation, and interpretations shaped by public discourse – that may reinforce or alter initial stances. Consequences, finally, concern the broader effects of the studied attitudes: shaping individual political behaviour and perceptions of democratic legitimacy, while prevailing public opinion imposes pressure on political actors in their approaches to welfare reform and democratic governance. Recognising these three dimensions provides a lens to clarify the mechanisms and scope conditions underlying opinion formation in welfare states and allows to make suggestions for future studies at a time when the normative foundations and fiscal sustainability of welfare institutions are increasingly contested.

• Kreos-Nemcok, Miroslav; Wass, Hanna & Vesa, Juho (2025). Partisan Influence on Policy Preferences in Retrenching the Welfare State. Public Opinion Quarterly. ISSN 0033-362X. 89(2), p. 424–444. doi: 10.1093/poq/nfaf017. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  While citizens typically favor welfare policies, the electoral consequences of retrenching the welfare state are often minimal for parties implementing the reforms. Using two structural reforms in Finland as a natural quasi-experiment, we show that voters’ policy preferences shift in response to welfare reform measures initiated by their preferred parties. In December 2020, the Finnish center-left government enacted two reforms: one reducing social protection by removing entitlements for laid-off older workers to receive income-based unemployment benefits, and the other increasing social spending by extending the compulsory education age from 16 to 18. Using a two-wave panel survey conducted before and after the government actions, the results indicate that government voters became considerably more supportive of both reforms, despite their initial low support for welfare retrenchment and its contradiction with the established ideological profile of their parties. Moreover, the shift in voters’ policy preferences was substantively greater compared to their opposition counterparts and not affected by ideology and economic self-interest. Hence, voters’ policy preferences show dynamic adaptability to match the party line, thereby reducing grounds for holding the parties accountable.

• Kumlin, Staffan & Nemcok, Miroslav (2024). Perceiving welfare state sustainability: fiscal costs, group deservingness, or ideology? Journal of Public Policy. ISSN 0143-814X. 44(3), p. 638–658. doi: 10.1017/S0143814X24000126. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  What shapes citizens’ perceptions of long-term welfare state sustainability? Past work hints at three explanations: information about fiscal pressure, deservingness views of recipient groups, and left-right ideology. We consider all three in an experiment exposing people to information about fiscal costs and/or low deservingness in the labor market domain. Left-right ideology functions as a moderator. Unlike past work, which has concentrated on demographic pressures, information about fiscal costs does not generate worries about sustainability (separately or combined with deservingness cues). Rather, left-right ideology moderates reactions. People on the left seem to question and counterargue against fiscal pressure, such that when facing negative information, they develop more positive sustainability views. This counter-reaction coexists with statistically insignificant effects in the negative direction among people on the right. These ideological contingencies arise without partisan cues, suggesting that welfare state pressure itself is ideologically controversial in the labor market domain.

• Kumlin, Staffan; Nemcok, Miroslav & Hootegem, Arno van (2024). Welfare state evaluations, normative expectations, and political trust: longitudinal evidence from Germany and Norway. Public Management Review. ISSN 1471-9037. doi: 10.1080/14719037.2023.2297292. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The expectancy-disconfirmation model (EDM) explains satisfaction with public services as a combination of service expectations and perceived performance. We study how satisfaction in turn affects political trust. We mimic the EDM logic by assessing interactions with political-ideological ‘normative expectations’. Three-wave panel surveys from Germany and Norway contain general and specific measures of satisfaction. Multilevel models show robust between-, and multiple instances of within-individual, associations between satisfaction and trust. Interactions with normative expectations are mostly absent, however. Overall, the variables highlighted by the EDM seem to affect generalized political trust. But the expectancy-disconfirmation logic may not repeat itself at this general political level.

• Daoust, Jean-François; Nemcok, Miroslav; Broniecki, Philipp Christian & Loewen, Peter J. (2024). Reassessing the winner-loser gap in satisfaction with democracy. PLOS ONE. 19(12). doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0314967. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Citizens who support a party which enters government are systematically more satisfied with democracy compared to voters who supported a party which ends up in the opposition. This relationship is labelled as the “winner-loser gap,” but we lack firm causal evidence of this gap. We provide a causal estimate of the effects of voting for a winning or losing party by leveraging data from surveys fielded before and after new government formations in three well established democracies (Netherlands, Norway and Iceland) were announced in contexts of very high uncertainty. Using a regression discontinuity design comparing citizens’ levels of satisfaction with democracy just before and just after their electoral status (winner or loser) was revealed, we find that the impact of winning or losing is undistinguishable from zero. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings.

• Hootegem, Arno Van; Helgøy, Anna & Nemcok, Miroslav (2024). Formative personal experiences: How benefit recipiency and income changes shape perceptions of system abuse. European Journal of Political Research. ISSN 0304-4130. 64(1), p. 72–93. doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.12685. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Abstract Perceptions that others will contribute their fair share are fundamental to the legitimacy of the political system. To better understand how these perceptions take shape beyond the influence of political narratives and socializations, this paper investigates the role of the formative personal experiences of benefit recipiency and income changes in explaining views on welfare abuse as well as tax evasion. Theoretically, both increasing identification or ‘othering’ could occur when these experiences lead to new group adherence. To test this empirically, three‐wave Norwegian panel data (2014–2017) are analysed. Within‐ as well as between‐group analyses show that becoming dependent on benefits leads to lower perceptions of welfare abuse, while positive income changes prompt higher perceptions of tax evasion, albeit mostly among those with lower income levels. Overall, this article shows that formative personal experiences affect views that are fundamental to the perceived fairness, legitimacy and sustainability of the social and political system.

• Nemcok, Miroslav (2024). Still the best form of governance: Nearly half of humanity gets to vote this year. How can democracy not thrive? Yliopisto. ISSN 0355-6328. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Wass, Hanna & Peltoniemi, Johanna (2024). Does sending ballots via post reduce costs? Negligible effect of postal voting on turnout among Finnish electorate living abroad. Electoral Studies: an international journal on voting and electoral systems and strategy. ISSN 0261-3794. 89(June 2024). doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2024.102776. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Postal voting is often considered a means to enhance electoral participation by minimising the costs associated with voting. This study leverages individual-level register data for the entire electorate of Finns residing abroad who were provided the option of voting by mail in the 2019 parliamentary elections in addition to traditional in-person voting. Analysis of their voting trajectories across three parliamentary elections (2011, 2015, 2019) using such diverse approaches as descriptive statistics, interrupted time series analysis and an improved causal identification strategy revealed that the availability of postal voting was unlikely to increase electoral participation among this particular electorate despite previously low participation rates. The observed changes in turnout resembled previous elections, where only in-person voting at polling stations was available. The findings indicate that postal voting may not effectively address low turnout or participation biases.

• Nemcok, Miroslav; Wass, Hanna & Vesa, Juho (2023). Putting partisan influence into political context: How initial policy popularity and party attachment shape the effect of party cues. Party Politics. ISSN 1354-0688. 30(6), p. 1075–1087. doi: 10.1177/13540688231191358. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Parties and their actions almost always shape the preferences, attitudes, and behaviour of their voters. However, does partisan influence over public opinion apply to all policy proposals regardless of their initial popularity and to all voters regardless of their degree of partisan attachment? This question is addressed in the real-world context of Finland, where the government enacted two reforms at the same time: an initially popular reform extending the age of compulsory education, and an initially unpopular removal of the ‘retirement tube’ for older laid-off workers. An original panel survey asked respondents about their attitudes before and after the government actions, finding that while voters of government parties increasingly tended to support the enacted policies, the magnitude of opinion change depended on voters’ initial policy preferences and party attachment. Strong party attachment led to government voters increasing their support for a reform that they initially opposed. In contrast, those with weaker partisan attachments tended to alter their preferences for an initially popular reform. These findings are relevant for understanding partisan influence over public opinion in a broader political context.

• Nemcok, Miroslav; Bosancianu, Constantin Manuel; Leshchenko, Olga & Kluknavská, Alena (2023). Softening the corrective effect of populism: populist parties’ impact on political interest. West European Politics. ISSN 0140-2382. 46(4), p. 760–787. doi: 10.1080/01402382.2022.2089963. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Populist appeals to ‘pure people’ have been theorised to mobilise previously disengaged citizens. However, this ‘corrective consequence’ has found weak support in empirical research. This finding is consistent with studies that suggest that novel campaign appeals and new political offerings have a negligible effect on turnout. As a consequence, this research proposes a distinction between the behavioural and attitudinal effects of populism and introduces a softened revision to the corrective argument: Despite a negligible behavioural impact on individuals’ turnout propensity, the electoral success of populism is nevertheless associated with an attitudinal change: increased political interest. This proposition is supported by two empirical tests. The first detects this dynamic among 232,208 respondents in 136 national election studies from 16 Western countries (1970–2017). The second analysis, which uses an improved causal identification strategy, uncovers an analogous effect in the GESIS Panel (2014–17, Germany). Hence, the emergence of populist parties can stimulate political interest among citizens, even though it does not necessarily lead to increased turnout.

• Taagepera, Rein & Nemcok, Miroslav (2023). World population growth over millennia: Ancient and present phases with a temporary halt in-between. The Anthropocene Review. ISSN 2053-0196. 11(1), p. 163–183. doi: 10.1177/20530196231172423. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Enormous growth of the world population during the last two centuries and its present slowing down pose questions about precedents in history and broader forces shaping the population size. Population estimates collected in an extensive survey of literature (873 estimates from 25 studies covering 1,000,000 BCE to 2100 CE) show that world population growth has proceeded in two distinct phases of acceleration followed by stoppage—from at least 25,000 BCE to 100 BCE, and from 400 CE to the present, interrupted by centuries of standstill and 10% decrease. Both phases can be fitted with a mathematical function that projects to a peak at 11.2 ± 1.5 billion around 2100 CE. An interaction model can account for this acceleration-stoppage pattern in quantitative detail: Technology grows exponentially, with rate boosted by population. Population grows exponentially, capped by Earth’s carrying capacity. Technology raises this cap, but only until it approaches Earth’s ultimate carrying capacity.

• Peltoniemi, Johanna; Nemcok, Miroslav & Wass, Hanna (2023). With pulling ties, electoral participation flies: factors mobilising turnout among non-resident Finnish voters. European Political Science. ISSN 1680-4333. 22(1), p. 83–100. doi: 10.1057/s41304-022-00404-7. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Abstract Increasingly many citizens residing abroad maintain connections to their country of origin and follow its national elections. Considering that this group constitutes a growing share of the national electorate, it is essential to better understand factors that motivate electoral participation. In this study, we explore the role of economic, social and cultural ties in a unified analysis of turnout among Finnish citizens residing abroad. We rely on individual-level register data that cover the entire Finnish expatriate electorate ( n  = 96,290) and match their personal background characteristics (e.g. property ownership, length of stay abroad, language) with official turnout from the 2019 Finnish parliamentary elections on the bases of personal identification codes. In line with the theoretical expectations, the results provide strong empirical evidence that non-resident citizens who maintain connections to the country of origin are more likely to vote in homeland elections.

• Nemcok, Miroslav & Peltoniemi, Johanna (2021). Distance and Trust: An Examination of the Two Opposing Factors Impacting Adoption of Postal Voting Among Citizens Living Abroad. Political Behavior. ISSN 0190-9320. 45(2), p. 419–443. doi: 10.1007/s11109-021-09709-7. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Abstract Postal voting intends to provide citizens residing abroad with a convenient voting technique to influence political representation in their country of origin. However, its adoption among individuals is dependent on two opposing factors. On the one hand, voting via post helps to overcome the increasing distance between a voter’s residency abroad and the nearest polling station organized by a diplomatic mission (mostly at an embassy or a consulate). On the other hand, this way of voting also requires enough trust that the postal service and designated state office will successfully deliver one’s vote to the ballot box because the result cannot be effectively verified without violation of the ballot secrecy. We examine the interaction of these two factors in an originally conducted survey among Finnish citizens residing abroad fielded shortly after the 2019 Parliamentary elections—the first occasion after Finland put postal voting into effect. Altogether, 664 respondents responded to all questions required for our specification of binomial logistic regression models controlling for various potential confounders. The results demonstrate that trust in postal voting moderates the impact of distance on one’s probability to adopt postal voting. While low-trusting emigrant voters remain largely indifferent regardless of the distance to the nearest polling station, medium-trusting non-resident citizens increasingly mail their ballots when the nearest polling station is more than 100 km away. High-trusting individuals begin to increasingly do so when they are ten to 30 km away.

• Blais, André; Bol, Damien; Bowler, Shaun; Farrell, David; Fredén, Annika & Foucault, Martial [Show all 13 contributors for this article] (2021). What Kind of Electoral Outcome do People Think is Good for Democracy? Political Studies. ISSN 0032-3217. 71(4), p. 1068–1089. doi: 10.1177/00323217211055560. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  There is perennial debate in comparative politics about electoral institutions, but what characterizes this debate is the lack of consideration for citizens’ perspective. In this paper, we report the results of an original survey conducted on representative samples in 15 West European countries ( N = 15,414). We implemented an original instrument to elicit respondents’ views by asking them to rate “real but blind” electoral outcomes. With this survey instrument, we aimed to elicit principled rather than partisan preferences regarding the kind of electoral outcomes that citizens think is good for democracy. We find that West Europeans do not clearly endorse a majoritarian or proportional vision of democracy. They tend to focus on aspects of the government rather than parliament when they pass a judgment. They want a majority government that has few parties and enjoys wide popular support. Finally, we find only small differences between citizens of different countries.

• Tóth, Michal; Nemcok, Miroslav & Spáč, Peter (2021). I Don’t Like It Unless It’s for Me: Voters’ Perceptions of Pork-Barrel Politics in Central and Eastern Europe. Problems of Post-Communism. ISSN 1075-8216. 69(6), p. 473–485. doi: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1914111. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Public resources are often allocated neither effectively nor equitably, and they serve as a tool for securing re-election. Despite compelling evidence for pork-barrel politics, little is known about voters’ perceptions of this practice. Moreover, limited findings from Western countries are also contradictory – voters perceive such a strategy both positively and negatively. To contribute with findings from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), we conducted two survey experiments – in Czechia and Slovakia – which randomized people’s exposure to fairness of the distribution and profit for the respondent’s country. Our results suggest that once voters realize their profit from pork-barrel politics, they are less critical of unfair distributions of resources and the responsible decision-maker.

• Wass, Hanna; Peltoniemi, Johanna; Weide, Marjukka & Nemcok, Miroslav (2021). Signed, Sealed, and Delivered with Trust: Non-Resident Citizens’ Experiences of Newly Adopted Postal Voting. Frontiers in Political Science. 3. doi: 10.3389/fpos.2021.692396. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The COVID-19 pandemic has made it clear that the traditional “booth, ballot, and pen” model of voting, based on a specific location and physical presence, may not be feasible during a health crisis. This situation has highlighted the need to assess whether existing national electoral legislation includes enough instruments to ensure citizens’ safety during voting procedures, even under the conditions of a global pandemic. Such instruments, often grouped under the umbrella of voter facilitation or convenience voting, range from voting in advance and various forms of absentee voting (postal, online, and proxy voting) to assisted voting and voting at home and in hospitals and other healthcare institutions. While most democracies have implemented at least some form of voter facilitation, substantial cross-country differences still exist. In the push to develop pandemic-sustainable elections in different institutional and political contexts, variation in voter facilitation makes it possible to learn from country-specific experiences. As accessibility and inclusiveness are critical components of elections for ensuring political legitimacy and accountability these lessons are of utmost importance. In this study, we focus on Finland, where the Parliament decided in March 2021 to postpone for two months the municipal elections that were originally scheduled to be held on April 18. Although the decision was mostly justified by the sudden and dramatic daily increase in new COVID-19 infections, the inability to guarantee the opportunity to vote for those in quarantine was included among the likely risks. The failure to organize health-safe voting procedures to accommodate the original schedule emphasizes a certain paradox in the Finnish electoral legislation: caution in introducing new facilitation instruments has led to lower levels of preparedness and flexibility in crisis situations. Although a forerunner in implementing extensive advance voting opportunities, Finland has only recently introduced postal voting, which is restricted to voters living abroad. Hence, we ask: what can be learned from this form of convenience voting if expanded to all voters to enhance the sustainability of elections? Our analyses are based on a survey conducted among non-resident voters ( n = 2,100) after the 2019 parliamentary elections in which postal voting from abroad was allowed for the first time. Our results show that whereas trust in the integrity of postal voting is quite high, various efforts needed from individual voters substantially increase the costs of postal voting. Postal operations also raise concerns. Furthermore, voters felt that requiring two witnesses made postal voting cumbersome, an issue that needs to be resolved, particularly if applying postal voting in the context of a pandemic. The Finnish case constitutes a concrete example of a situation in which voter facilitation targeted to a particular segment of society may become a testbed for electoral engineering that will improve voting opportunities for everyone.

• Nemcok, Miroslav & Wass, Hanna (2021). Generations and Political Engagement. Oxford Research Encyclopedias. doi: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1756. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Komar, Olivera; Batrićević, Nemanja; Tóth, Michal & Spáč, Peter (2020). The role of ethnicity in the perception of pork barrel politics: Evidence from a survey experiment in Slovakia. Politics. ISSN 0263-3957. 41(2), p. 257–275. doi: 10.1177/0263395720920089. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav & Wass, Hanna (2020). As time goes by, the same sentiments apply? Stability of voter satisfaction with democracy during the electoral cycle in 31 countries. Party Politics. ISSN 1354-0688. 27(5), p. 1017–1030. doi: 10.1177/1354068820912466. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2020). The Effect of Parties on Voters’ Satisfaction with Democracy. Politics and Governance. doi: 10.17645/pag.v8i3.2916. Full text in Research Archive
• Havlík, Vlastimil; Nemcok, Miroslav; Spáč, Peter & Zagrapan, Jozef (2020). The 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia Steadily Turbulent Change of Direction. Politologický časopis. ISSN 1211-3247. doi: 10.5817/PC2020-3-221. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Spáč, Peter & Voda, Petr (2019). The role of partisan cues on voters’ mobilization in a referendum. Contemporary Politics. ISSN 1356-9775. doi: 10.1080/13569775.2018.1543753. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav & Spáč, Peter (2019). Referendum as a Party Tool: The Case of Slovakia. East European Politics and Societies. ISSN 0888-3254. doi: 10.1177/0888325418800551. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2019). From Duverger to the Seat Product: seeking a pattern in experts’ evaluation of electoral systems. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. ISSN 1745-7289. 31(3), p. 408–422. doi: 10.1080/17457289.2019.1697880. Full text in Research Archive
• Taagepera, Rein & Nemcok, Miroslav (2019). Majoritarian and consensual democracies: The seat product connection. Party Politics. ISSN 1354-0688. 27(3), p. 393–406. doi: 10.1177/1354068819871441. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2019). Active and Passive: Two Ways Party Systems Influence Electoral Outcomes. European Political Science Review. ISSN 1755-7739. doi: 10.1017/S1755773919000250. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav & Šedo, Jakub (2018). Theoretical Expectations and the Actual Outcomes of Electoral Systems: How to Measure the Size of the Deviation? World Political Science. doi: 10.1515/wps-2018-0008. Full text in Research Archive
• Valkering, Anne; Nemcok, Miroslav; Matu, George & Spáč, Peter (2018). It’s More than Just Debating: The Political Participation and Democratic Attitudes of Debate Programme Participants in Seven “New” Democracies. Sociální Studia. ISSN 1214-813X. doi: 10.5817/SOC2018-2-35. Full text in Research Archive

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• Taagepera, Rein & Nemcok, Miroslav (2024). More People, Fewer States: The Past and Future of World Population and Empire Sizes. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781009427814. doi: 10.1017/9781009427814. Full text in Research Archive
• Gherghina, Sergiu & Nemcok, Miroslav (2023). Political Parties and Electoral Clientelism. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9783031372940. 135 p. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-37295-7. Full text in Research Archive
• Spáč, Peter; Voda, Petr; Tóth, Michal; Nemcok, Miroslav & Hrbková, Lenka (2022). The Politics of Public Spending: Actors, Motivations, and Public Responses. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9783031107719. 207 p. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-10772-6. Full text in Research Archive

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• Kreos-Nemcok, Miroslav & Taagepera, Rein (2025). World population boom and stall: have we been here before? The Loop. Full text in Research Archive
• Kreos-Nemcok, Miroslav & Røren, Pål Kriachko (2025). Glem Ungarn. Slovakia er nå det svakeste leddet i EUs utenrikspolitikk. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Hootegem, Arno Van & Kumlin, Staffan (2024). Unfulfilled Expectations and Unexpected Help: How Initial Risks and Subsequent Welfare Benefits Jointly Shape Political Trust. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Daoust, Jean-François & Ehin, Piret (2023). Satisfaction with democracy after winning and losing without elections. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Hootegem, Arno Van & Kumlin, Staffan (2023). Unfulfilled Expectations and Unexpected Help: How Initial Risks and Subsequent Welfare Benefits Jointly Shape Political Trust. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav & Peltoniemi, Johnna (2023). The dilemma of postal voting. The Loop. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav; Daoust, Jean-François & Ehin, Piret (2022). When Winners Become Losers: Impact of Between-Election Government Switch on the Winner-Loser Gap in Satisfaction with Democracy. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2022). Support for the welfare state among benefit recipients: A revision of the self-interest perspective. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2022). Support for the Welfare State among Benefit Recipients: A Revision of the Self-Interest Perspective. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2022). What Kind of Legitimacy? How Material Circumstances Make the Two Types of Welfare State Support Mutually Exclusive. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2022). Support for Redistribution vs. Political trust: How Material Circumstances Make These Two Types of Welfare State Support Mutually Exclusive. Full text in Research Archive
• Gherghina, Sergiu & Nemcok, Miroslav (2021). Political parties, state resources and electoral clientelism. Acta Politica. ISSN 0001-6810. 56(4), p. 591–599. doi: 10.1057/s41269-021-00216-5. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2021). Purchasing Legitimacy: Are Benefit Recipients More Supportive of Welfare State? Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav (2021). Purchasing Legitimacy: Are Welfare Benefit Recipients More Supportive of Their Political System? Full text in Research Archive
• Wass, Hanna & Nemcok, Miroslav (2020). What to expect when you are expecting: preferences for representation among voters and political elites, Research Handbook on Political Representation. Edward Elgar Publishing. ISSN 9781788977081. doi: 10.4337/9781788977098.00035. Full text in Research Archive
• Nemcok, Miroslav & Spáč, Peter (2020). The Rise and Sustainability of Party Leaders in Slovakia: Robert Fico and Mikuláš Dzurinda, Party Leaders in Eastern Europe: Personality, Behavior and Consequences. Palgrave Macmillan. ISSN 9783030320249. doi: 10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_11. Full text in Research Archive

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