Kristian Stokke

• Stokke, Kristian (2020). Myanmar, In Jeffrey Haynes (ed.),  The Routledge Handbook to Religion and Political Parties.  Routledge.  ISBN 9781138500464.  13.  s 154 - 168 Fulltekst i vitenarkiv. Vis sammendrag

  Myanmar is characterized by a puzzling paradox when it comes to the relationship between religions and political parties: While religions, especially Theravada Buddhism, are omnipresent in society and frame politics in multiple and contentious ways, the reintroduction of electoral politics has not been followed by the formation of religious parties or major party-driven politicisation of religious identities and interests. Although religious beliefs and belongings are parts of politics in a broad sense, the links between religions and political parties seem relatively weak and are difficult to discern. This chapter provides tentative analytical reflections on this conundrum. The first section reviews the reintroduction of electoral democracy and party-politics, with special attention to the character of parties and the party system, and their links to religion. Thereafter, the attention turns to how the majority religion (Theravada Buddhism) frames democratic politics and is a basis for contentions over the relationship between Buddhism and politics. The chapter concludes with brief reflections on the increased role of religion in electoral competition and how this may be furthered or ameliorated in future elections.

• Stokke, Kristian (2020). Political representation through ethnic parties? Electoral performance and party-building processes among ethnic parties in Myanmar. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs.  ISSN 1868-1034. . doi: 10.1177/1868103419893530 Fulltekst i vitenarkiv.
• Stokke, Kristian & Aung, Soe Myint (2019). Transition to democracy or hybrid regime? The dynamics and outcome of democratization in Myanmar. European Journal of Development Research.  ISSN 0957-8811. . doi: 10.1057/s41287-019-00247-x
• Hiariej, Eric & Stokke, Kristian (2018). Pendahuluan: Politik Kewargaan di Indonesia, I: Eric Hiariej & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Politik Kewargaan di Indonesia.  Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-602-8.  1.  s 1 - 22
• Stokke, Kristian (2018). Democratization in the Global South: From democratic transitions to transformative democratic politics. Geography Compass.  ISSN 1749-8198. . doi: 10.1111/gec3.12412 Fulltekst i vitenarkiv.
• Stokke, Kristian (2018). Politik Kewargaan: Keranka Analisis, I: Eric Hiariej & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Politik Kewargaan di Indonesia.  Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-602-8.  2.  s 23 - 56
• Hiariej, Eric & Stokke, Kristian (2017). Introduction: Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia, In Eric Hiariej & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia.  Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-507-6.  Chapter 1.  s 1 - 21
• Stokke, Kristian (2017). Nation-State, In Douglas Richardson (ed.),  The International Encyclopedia of Geography: People, the Earth, Environment, and Technology.  John Wiley & Sons.  ISBN 978-0-4706-5963-2.  Political geography.  s 1 - 6
• Stokke, Kristian (2017). Politics of Citizenship: Towards an Analytical Framework, In Eric Hiariej & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia.  Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-507-6.  Chapter 2.  s 23 - 53
• Stokke, Kristian (2017). Politics of citizenship: Towards an analytical framework. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951.  71(4), s 193- 207 . doi: 10.1080/00291951.2017.1369454 Fulltekst i vitenarkiv.
• Stokke, Kristian & Hiariej, Eric (2017). Conclusion: The Continued Need for Transformative Politics of Citizenship, In Eric Hiariej & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia.  Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-507-6.  Chapter 12.  s 339 - 345
• Stokke, Kristian; Win, Khine & Aung, Soe Myint (2015). Political Parties and Popular Representation in Myanmar’s Democratization Process. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs.  ISSN 1868-1034.  34(3), s 3- 35 . doi: 10.1177/186810341503400301
• Isaksen, Kari-Anne & Stokke, Kristian (2014). Changing climate discourse and politics in India. Climate change as challenge and opportunity for diplomacy and development. Geoforum.  ISSN 0016-7185.  57, s 110- 119 . doi: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2014.08.019 Vis sammendrag

  This article contributes to the study of changing climate discourse and policy in emerging powers through a case study of climate discourse in India since 2007. Based on interviews with key actors in Indian climate politics and textual analysis, three general climate discourses - the Third World, Win-Win and Radical Green discourses - are identified. The discourses are characterised by different constructions of India’s identity, interests, climate change exposure and climate policy orientation. At the most general level, the article finds that there has been a general discursive shift from the Third World discourse to the Win-Win discourse, and that the latter discourse is in broad agreement with the dominant international climate change discourse of ecological modernisation and thus supports an alignment between Indian and international climate politics. We also find, however, that India’s domestic climate politics is marked by co-existence and tensions between the three climate discourses, producing a complex and at times contentious discursive politics over climate change, identity and development. The case study presented in this article moreover demonstrates how national interests are socially constructed and how changes in policy reflect changes in the dominant discourse.

• Stokke, Kristian (2014). Peacebuilding as Small-State Foreign Policy. Norway’s Peace Engagement in a Changing International Context. International Studies.  ISSN 0020-8817.  49(3-4), s 207- 231 . doi: 10.1177/0020881714532334 Fulltekst i vitenarkiv.
• Stokke, Kristian (2014). Substantiating Urban Democracy: The Importance of Popular Representation and Transformative Democratic Politics, In Susan Parnell & Sophie Oldfield (ed.),  The Routledge Handbook on Cities of the Global South.  Routledge.  ISBN 9780415818650.  Kap. 23.  s 257 - 268
• Glavin, Guro; Stokke, Kristian & Wiig, Henrik (2013). The Impact of Women's Mobilisation: Civil Society Organisations and the Implementation of Land Titling in Peru. Forum for Development Studies.  ISSN 0803-9410.  40(1), s 129- 152 . doi: 10.1080/08039410.2012.691108
• Stokke, Kristian (2013). Conceptualizing the Politics of Citizenship. PCD Journal.  ISSN 2085-0433.  5(1)
• Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (2013). Experiences and Strategic Interventions in Transformative Democratic Politics, In Kristian Stokke & Olle Törnquist (ed.),  Democratization in the Global South: The Importance of Transformative Politics.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 9780230370036.  Kapittel 14.  s 302 - 311
• Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (2013). Paradigmatic Failures of Transformative Democratic Politics: Indonesia and Sri Lanka in Comparative Perspective, In Kristian Stokke & Olle Törnquist (ed.),  Democratization in the Global South: The Importance of Transformative Politics.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 9780230370036.  Kapittel 5.  s 100 - 124
• Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (2013). The Relevance of the Scandinavian Experiences, In Kristian Stokke & Olle Törnquist (ed.),  Democratization in the Global South: The Importance of Transformative Politics.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 9780230370036.  Kapittel 2.  s 21 - 41
• Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (2013). Transformative Democratic Politics, In Kristian Stokke & Olle Törnquist (ed.),  Democratization in the Global South: The Importance of Transformative Politics.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 9780230370036.  Kapittel 13.  s 3 - 20
• Stokke, Kristian (2012). Crafting Liberal Peace? International Peace Promotion and the Contextual Politics of Peace in Sri Lanka, In Kobayashi Audrey (ed.),  Geographies of Armed Conflict and Peace.  Routledge.  ISBN 978-0-415-69658-6.  Kapittel 13.
• Moisio, Sami; Stokke, Kristian; Sæther, Elin; Larsen, Henrik Gutzon; Ek, Richard & Lund Hansen, Anders (2011). Interventions in Nordic political geographies. Political Geography.  ISSN 0962-6298.  30, s 241- 249 . doi: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.04.005
• Stokke, Kristian (2011). Liberal Peace in Question: The Sri Lankan Case, In Kristian Stokke & Jayadeva Uyangoda (ed.),  Liberal Peace in Question. Politics of State and Market Reform in Sri Lanka.  Anthem Press.  ISBN 9781843318965.  Chapter 1.  s 1 - 33
• Stokke, Kristian (2011). Questioning Liberal Peace, In Darley Jose Kjosavik & Pål Olav Vedeld (ed.),  The Political Economy of Environment and Development in a Globalised World - Exploring the Frontiers.  Tapir Akademisk Forlag.  ISBN 978-82-519-2786-4.  Chapter 15.  s 321 - 341
• Stokke, Kristian & Peiris, Pradeep (2011). Liberal Peace and Public Opinion, In Kristian Stokke & Jayadeva Uyangoda (ed.),  Liberal Peace in Question. Politics of State and Market Reform in Sri Lanka.  Anthem Press.  ISBN 9781843318965.  Chapter 8.  s 157 - 181
• Evensen, Jane Vogt & Stokke, Kristian (2010). United Against HIV/AIDS? Politics of Local Governance in HIV/AIDS Treatment in Lusikisiki, South Africa. Journal of Southern African Studies.  ISSN 0305-7070.  36(1), s 151- 167 . doi: 10.1080/03057071003607402
• Stokke, Kristian (2010). Civil Society in Sri Lanka during and after the 5th Peace Process: Changing Spaces for Advocating Political Transformations and Delivering Social Welfare Post‐9/11, In Jude Howell & Jeremy Lind (ed.),  Civil Society Under Strain. Counter-Terrorism Policy, Civil Society and Aid Post-9/11.  Kumarian Press.  ISBN 978-1-56549-297-4.  Chapter 9.  s 149 - 170 Vis sammendrag

  The post-Cold War period has seen the emergence of a dichotomising discourse on civil society. Whereas the 1990s was characterised by a strong emphasis on the positive political and developmental contributions of civil society to peacebuilding in intrastate conflicts, the period since the September 11 attacks in the United States has brought a critical focus on the transnational advocacy work and resource mobilization of civil society associations linked to ‘terrorist’ insurgency movements. Thus a discursive distinction has emerged between ‘good civil society’ associated with the transnational agenda of liberal ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘bad civil society’ associated with intrastate and international ‘terrorism’. This dichotomization creates a basis for contrasting strategies by state and international actors; instrumental use of ‘good’ civil society for liberal peacebuilding and regulation and repression of ‘bad’ civil society as part of counter-terrorist measures. These contrasting strategies are well illustrated by the changing policies towards civil society in Sri Lanka’s protracted intrastate conflict and the appropriation of global discourses on defeating terrorism by the Sri Lankan government since 2005 to introduce new controls on the spaces for political deliberation and human rights advocacy. Civil society organisations (CSOs) focusing on political advocacy work and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) involved in humanitarian rehabilitation and development were instrumentally used in the internationalized attempt at crafting liberal peace during the government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe (2001-2004). These civil society roles in liberal peacebuilding were, however, politicized by the Sinhalese ethnonationalist opposition during the peace process and civil society associations have been targets for state repression under the government of President Mahinda Rajapakse since 2005. While the former period was marked by a relatively inclusive definition of ‘good’ civil society, when even some Tamil welfare and development organisations associated with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) received international aid, the latter period has brought authoritarian repression of both Tamil and Sinhalese NGOs and CSOs. Thus, the global War on Terror has added another layer of complexity to the long-running conflict and made it increasingly difficult for advocacy groups to seek an effective political engagement in the conflict while also encumbering the delivery of aid to conflict-affected areas.

• Stokke, Kristian (2010). Institutionalising self-determination: LTTE’s strategy of building a de facto Tamil Eelam state, In Ana Pararajasingham (ed.),  Sri Lanka: 60 Years of 'Independence' and Beyond.  Centre for Just Peace and Democracy.  ISBN 978-3-9523172-5-9.  11.  s 592 - 608
• Stokke, Kristian (2010). The Soft Power of a Small State. Discursive Constructions and Institutional Practices of Norway's Peace Engagement. PCD Journal.  ISSN 2085-0433.  2(1)
• Stokke, Kristian & Manandar, Mohan Das (2010). Nepal: State and Society - A Primer, In Kristian Stokke & Mohan Das Manandar (ed.),  State and Society. Social Exclusion and Inclusion in Nepal.  Mandala Book Point.  ISBN 9789994655137.  Kap. 2.
• Stokke, Kristian & Peiris, Pradeep (2010). Public Opinion on Peace as a Reflection of Social Differentiation and Politicisation of Identity in Sri Lanka. PCD Journal.  ISSN 2085-0433.  2(1)
• Stokke, Kristian & Sæther, Elin (2010). Political geography in Norway: Current state and future prospects. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951.  64(4), s 211- 215 . doi: 10.1080/00291951.2010.528223 Vis sammendrag

  The article provides a brief review of the current state and future prospects of political geography in Norway. Although political geography has been revitalised internationally, it has a relatively short history and weak institutional basis in Norway. There are, however, notable exceptions both within and outside the discipline. The main part of the article reviews recent research within political geography at the University of Olso, emphasising the shared focus on contextualised politics of representation, especially in the Global South. This thematic and geographical orientation gives Norwegian political geography a distinct character that also frames the prospects for further development and contribution to international political geography.

• Erdal, Marta Bivand & Stokke, Kristian (2009). Contributing to Development? Transnational Activities among Tamils in Norway. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal (APMJ).  ISSN 0117-1968.  18(3), s 397- 418 Vis sammendrag

  The theme of this article is the transnational activities of members of the Tamil diaspora in Norway and their significance for development in the North-East of Sri Lanka. Our analysis acknowledges the complexity of Tamil transnational activities, particularly in regard to issues which may be seen as political. A key observation regards the pragmatic and seemingly apolitical approach to development among the majority of the Tamil diaspora. This is explained with reference to the positionality of the Tamil diaspora, as a key actor in regard to politics and development in North-East Sri Lanka, but simultaneously trapped by the dynamics of war and peace. Thus, members of the Tamil diaspora employ transnational strategies, but in forms that cater to complex and sometimes contradictory needs for Tamil identity and belonging, political interests of national self-determination and security, and survival for families.

• Pfaff-Czarnecka, Joanna; Stokke, Kristian & Manandhar, Mohan Das (2009). Introduction, In Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka; Mohan Das Manandhar & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Identity and Society. Social Exclusion and Inclusion in Nepal.  Mandala Book Point.  ISBN 978-99946-55-11-3.  Chapter 1.  s 1 - 10
• Stokke, Kristian (2009). Crafting Liberal Peace? International Peace Promotion and the Contextual Politics of Peace in Sri Lanka. Annals of the Association of American Geographers.  ISSN 0004-5608.  99(5), s 932- 939 . doi: 10.1080/00045600903245920 Vis sammendrag

  Contemporary armed conflicts are typically intrastate conflicts in the Global South. These are often represented as global security threats, providing a justification for practical geopolitics of promoting liberal peace through elitist peace negotiations and instrumental use of humanitarian and development aid. In this context, the contemporary hegemonic discourse on peace emphasizes the synergies between liberal peace, liberal democracy and neoliberal development. Based on recent democratic transitions, it is assumed that liberal peace can be crafted through internationally facilitated elite negotiations. The article examines this technocratic approach to peace and highlights the tension between elitist crafting of liberal peace and contextual political dynamics in conflict situations, using Sri Lanka as an exemplary case. Sri Lanka’s 5th peace process is presented as a product of international and domestic power relations and stakeholder strategies, with a convergence between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam around two defining characteristics: (i) crafting of peace through narrowly defined elite negotiations; and (ii) linking of peace and development through humanitarian and development aid. It is argued that the use of development as a precursor to peace politicized the issue of interim development administration while the combination of political exclusion of elites and social exclusion of intermediate Sinhalese classes undermined the government and their agenda for liberal peace. Sri Lanka is thus an illustrative case of international promotion of liberal peace, but also the tensions between internationalized and elitist crafting of peace and contextual power relations and political dynamics in conflict situations. Key Words: practical geopolitics, liberal peace, neoliberal development, peace process, Sri Lanka

• Stokke, Kristian (2009). Human Geography and the Contextual Politics of Substantive Democracy. Progress in Human Geography.  ISSN 0309-1325.  33(6), s 739- 742 Vis sammendrag

  Whereas human geography is rich in theoretical and empirical work on economic globalization and associated neoliberal ideology and governance, there is a striking absence of research on the parallel global spread and hegemony of liberal democracy during the last three decades. Human geographers working on themes related to democracy such as the state, social justice and citizenship have found inspiration in political economy, moral and cultural theory rather than democratic theory and with a clear leaning towards radical rather than liberal traditions. It is within sub-disciplines of human geography that emphasise more policy oriented and interdisciplinary research topics, such as urban planning, environmental policy and development studies, that one can find democracy-related geographic scholarship, but these have often been considered as applied research with a marginal role in defining theoretical debates and research practices within mainstream human geography. This short article reviews this knowledge gap in human geography and advocates concrete, contextual and comparative research on the strategies and capacities of diverse actors utilising democratic political spaces to give substance to formal democracies and in the process transforming democracy itself. Such a reorientation shifts the attention from liberal democracy as a universal and normative ideal towards democratisation as a never-ending and always contextual political process. This broad research agenda, which is evolving within studies of politics and development, is congruent with the common emphasis in human geography on social justice and difference but has so far gained relatively little recognition within the field.

• Stokke, Kristian & Lier, David Christoffer (2009). Contesting Neoliberalism: Spaces of Democracy and Post-Apartheid Social Movements in South Africa, In Thomas Drobík & Monika Sumberová (ed.),  Chapters of Modern Human Geographical Thought.  Cambridge Scholars Publishing.  ISBN 1-4438-0107-0.  Chapter 4.  s 79 - 102 Vis sammendrag

  The present chapter addresses the political deficit in the human geographic studies of the political economy of neoliberalism, emphasising the mutual relationship between the political spaces for contestation and the strategies and capacities of different actors to utilise and transform these spaces. In the context of post-communist and post-developmental states and the Global South this draws attention to the political openings and limitations that have been brought about by recent transitions to liberal democracy and the interplay between democratic political spaces, the neoliberal transformation of public affairs and the capacity of popular actors to exert democratic control over public affairs. This analytical agenda is illustrated with some experiences from post-apartheid social movements in South Africa, emphasising their complex and combined strategies in regard to democratic spaces but also the persistent challenges of fragmentation and limited popular control over public affairs in the context of neoliberal governance.

• Stokke, Kristian & Selboe, Elin (2009). Symbolic representation as political practice, In Olle Törnquist; Neill Webster & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Rethinking Popular Representation.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 978-0-230-62136-7.  Chapter 4.  s 59 - 78 Vis sammendrag

  This chapter examines symbolic representation as political practices. On the conceptual side, we examine Pierre Bourdieu’s approach to social practice. This choice of theoretical foundation is motivated both by the centrality of symbolisation in Bourdieu’s approach to social practice as well as his location of social practice within power relations in social space. This approach is illustrated and extended through two brief contextualised case studies, analysing the rise to hegemony of ethnonationalist symbolic representation in Sri Lanka and the constitution of legitimate authority within network politics in Senegal. The Sri Lankan case highlights the elitist incorporation of people through ethnonationalist identities combined with a programme of state capitalism and welfareism. This elitist incorporation institutionalised a mode of symbolic representation that has structured subsequent popular mobilisation within both the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority. Although the case study cannot deal with the complexity of Sri Lanka’s postcolonial political history, it supports our general argument about the centrality of symbolisation in political mobilisation and the close links between symbolic representation and power relations. The Senegalese case moves beyond this general analysis to a more specific focus on symbolic recognition and contestation of political representatives in a political system characterised by network relations. In the context of persistent livelihood crises and the lasting influence of a national social contract between political authorities, religious leaders and the population, diverse actors in local politics strategically and habitually build and nurture personal relations to secure both economic and symbolic capital. The argument that runs through our conceptual discussion and the two case stories is that symbolisation is an integral part of practices of political representation, but also that symbolic representation is inseparable from power relations.

• Stokke, Kristian; Törnquist, Olle & Sindre, Gyda Marås (2009). Conflict Resolution and Democratisation in the aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami: A Comparative Analysis of Aceh and Sri Lanka. PCD Journal.  ISSN 2085-0433.  1(1-2), s 129- 149 Vis sammendrag

  The earthquake off the west coast of Sumatra on 26 December 2004 unleashed a tsunami in the Indian Ocean that affected more than a dozen countries throughout South and Southeast Asia and stretched as far as the northeastern coast of Africa. The two worst affected areas – North-East Sri Lanka and the Aceh region in Indonesia – have both been marked by protracted intra-state armed conflicts. In the immediate aftermath of the tsunami, international journalists and humanitarian actors argued that the disaster could actually constitute an opportunity for conflict resolution, as the scale and urgency of humanitarian needs should bring the protagonists together in joint efforts for relief, reconstruction and conflict resolution. In contrast, research on the impacts of natural disasters often concludes that disasters tend to deepen rather than resolve conflicts. Four years after the tsunami it can be observed that Aceh and North-East Sri Lanka have followed highly divergent trajectories. In Aceh, a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Indonesia and Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) was signed shortly after the tsunami and has been followed by peace and a process of political integration into Indonesian democracy. In Sri Lanka, the tsunami created a humanitarian pause from the gradual escalation of hostilities and an attempt to create a joint mechanism between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for handling humanitarian aid, but Sri Lanka has since then returned to full-scale warfare between the GOSL and LTTE. These divergent trajectories suggest that the common denominator – the tsunami disaster – cannot be considered the decisive factor behind the escalation of conflict in Sri Lanka or the conflict resolution process in Aceh, but rather as a critical event that was used by different actors for strategic reasons and generally furthered rather than radically altered pre-existing political processes. This implies that the analytical focus should be on the contextualized political dynamics of conflict and its transformation, rather than a search for a direct causal link between the tsunami disaster and the political outcomes such as war or peace. Our on-going comparative research on the post-tsunami conflict resolution and democratization in Aceh and Sri Lanka addresses these political dynamics through three principal research questions: 1. How and to what extent has reconstruction/development been linked to processes of conflict resolution and rights based democratization? 2. How and to what extent has a process of rights based democratization been related to the parallel processes of reconstruction/development and conflict resolution? 3. How and to what extent have the parallel processes of reconstruction/development, conflict resolution and democratization generated political transformations of the armed insurgency movements? This brief article, which is based on work in progress, highlights some key lessons and preliminary conclusions for each of these research questions.

• Törnquist, Olle; Bastian, Sunil; Stokke, Kristian & Warouw, Nico (2009). Introducing the Power, Conflict and Democracy Programme. PCD Journal.  ISSN 2085-0433.  1(1-2), s 1- 12
• Webster, Neill; Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (2009). From research to practice : towards the democratic institutionalisation of nodes for improved respresentation, In Olle Törnquist; Neill Webster & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Rethinking Popular Representation.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 978-0-230-62136-7.  Chapter 12.  s 223 - 234
• Mohan, Giles & Stokke, Kristian (2008). Participatory Development and Empowerment. The Dangers of Localism, In David Byrne (ed.),  Social Exclusion.  Routledge.  ISBN 9780415433389.  Kap. 82.
• Mohan, Giles & Stokke, Kristian (2008). The Politics of Localization: From Depoliticizing Development to Politicizing Democracy, In Kevin R. Cox; Murray Low & Jennifer Robinson (ed.),  The SAGE Handbook of Political Geography.  Sage Publications.  ISBN 978-0-7619-4327-3.  33.  s 545 - 561 Vis sammendrag

  In this chapter we argue for studies of local politics that are attentive to how glocalization processes and local political transitions bring together political economic forces and multiple, situated practices. For us, examining the politics of localization means investigating the ways in which diverse political forces construct and use local political spaces to pursue their instrumental and general interests in development and democracy. We especially highlight two ‘projects’ in the contemporary politics of localization. On the one hand, neo-liberal development discourses and institutional reforms construct local political spaces for popular participation, but also render development as a technocratic and depoliticized process. On the other hand, new local political spaces are also constructed and utilized by popular forces in order to transform formal democracy and institutionalize more substantive forms of local popular democracy. This calls for concrete and critical political analyses of the relations of power and political practices among actors involved in making, using and changing local political spaces and practices. Recent theoretical and empirical research on the politics of localization highlight, in our view, three general analytical insights and guidelines for further research, all emphasizing the relationality of local politics. First, it is clear by now that ‘the local’ must be understood as socially constructed relational settings for situated practices rather than bounded places or scales. Second, it has also become common sense that the state and civil society are not self-contained spheres but must be understood in relational terms through the concrete links that exists between civil society actors, political society and state institutions. Third, the realities of local politics also dissolve fixed notions of hegemony and resistance, pointing instead to the complex ways in which even seemingly hegemonic discourses are contested, subverted and remade. This relational and situated character of the politics of localization makes it well suited for political geographic enquiry. Given our own normative interests in local popular democracies, we see it as a continued challenge to address the ‘political deficit’ in democratization studies, i.e. the lack of critical insight into the politics of fighting for and implementing institutional changes towards substantive democracy. Herein lies an academic and political shift: From the depoliticization of development to the politicization of democracy.

• Shanmugaratnam, N. & Stokke, Kristian (2008). Development as a precursor to conflict resolution : a critical review of the fifth peace process in Sri Lanka, In  Between war & peace in Sudan & Sri Lanka : deprivation & livelihood revival.  James Currey Publishers.  s 93 - 115
• Shanmugaratnam, N & Stokke, Kristian (2008). Development as a Precursor to Conflict Resolution. A Critical Review of the Fifth Peace Process in Sri Lanka, In N. Shanmugaratnam (ed.),  Between War and Peace in Sudan and Sri Lanka. Deprivation and Livelihood Revival.  James Currey Publishers.  ISBN 978-1-84701-102-2.  6.  s 93 - 115 Vis sammendrag

  There is a growing interest in the links between development and peace in low and middle-income countries and especially between international development assistance and conflict resolution. This chapter analyses these links in the case of Sri Lanka's fifth peace process (2002-2004), by examining the unconventional approach of choosing development of the war-torn areas as a forerunner of conflict resolution. While showing the convergence between the government and the LTTE on development policy and the role of international donors, the article highlights the divergence between the protagonists on the politically charged issue of an interim administration for the war-torn region where the Tamil Tigers controlled territory and had established their own structures of administration. The government, holding only a small majority in parliament and facing a strong opposition to the peace process, was trying to find an interim arrangement within the limits of the unitary constitution. In the LTTE's view, such an arrangement would inevitably reduce LTTE to a junior partner with little or no formal power. The Tigers were instead seeking a legally constituted interim body in which they would play the lead role. An interim authority proposed by LTTE was seen by the powerful Sinhalese opposition as a first step towards secession and hence as a threat to the sovereign unitary state. While showing that addressing development needs may provide meeting points for the protagonists, the fifth peace process also demonstrated that the approach would inevitably lead to the political question of power sharing in the interim phase and beyond.

• Stokke, Kristian; Soosai, A. S. & Shanmugaratnam, N (2008). Impacts of Intra-state Warfare and International Resource Conflict on Livelihoods of Fishing Communities in Northern Sri Lanka, In N. Shanmugaratnam (ed.),  Between War and Peace in Sudan and Sri Lanka. Deprivation and Livelihood Revival.  James Currey Publishers.  ISBN 978-1-84701-102-2.  8.  s 149 - 168 Vis sammendrag

  This chapter examines the overall impact of the war on the fishing sector in the Jaffna and Mannar districts and discusses the challenges of post-war reconstruction and development. Both areas have seen dramatic reduction in fish production due to the displacement of fishing families and destruction of fishing vessels and gear. This situation was dramatically aggravated along the eastern coastline of Jaffna by the tsunami disaster of 26 December 2004. The fisheries in the Jaffna district have also been severely affected by the presence of extensive high security zones that have displaced thousands of fishing families from their homes and denied them access to their beaches, boats and gear and fishing banks. In addition, there is an international resource conflict between Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen that places the latter at a disadvantage as a result of the technological gap that has emerged during the Sri Lankan civil war.

• Stokke, Kristian; Soosai, A.S. & Shanmugaratnam, N. (2008). Impacts of intra-state warfare & international resource conflicts on livelihoods of fishing communities in Northern Sri Lanka, In  Between war & peace in Sudan & Sri Lanka : deprivation & livelihood revival.  James Currey Publishers.  s 149 - 168
• Stokke, Kristian (2007). Democratic Institutions and Politics in Transition to Liberal Democracy, In . Social Inclusion Research Fund (ed.),  From Exclusion to Inclusion. Socio-Political Agenda for Nepal.  Social Inclusion Research Fund.  ISBN 978-9937-2-0128-5.  5.  s 145 - 160 Vis sammendrag

  This paper provides a brief conceptual discussion about democratic transitions, institutions and politics, emphasising the complex coexistence of democratic deficits and openings in real world democracies. The underlying argument is that institutions are shaped and transformed by diverse political actors with different interests, strategies and capacities. This makes democratisation into a continuous contestation over the form and content of democratic institutions and practices. This is illustrated through a brief discussion of the democratic transition and post-apartheid popular mobilisation in South Africa. While I cannot claim to be an expert on Nepalese politics, I believe these questions of democratic institutions and politics are highly relevant for understanding political dynamics in Nepal after 1990, including current processes of negotiating constitutional and institutional changes for peace, democracy and social inclusion.

• Stokke, Kristian (2007). War by other means: the LTTE's strategy of institutionalising power sharing in the context of transition from war to peace - a response to Muttukrishna Sarvananthan. Third World Quarterly.  ISSN 0143-6597.  28, s 1197- 1201 . doi: 10.1080/01436590701507651
• Stokke, Kristian (2006). State Formation and Political Change in LTTE-controlled Areas in Sri Lanka, In and Democracy Centre for Just Peace (ed.),  Envisioning New Trajectories for Peace in Sri Lanka.  Ravaya.  ISBN 3-9523172-0-9.  kapittel.  s 111 - 132
• Lier, David Christoffer & Stokke, Kristian (2006). Maximum Working Class Unity? Challenges to Local Social Movement Unionism in Cape Town. Antipode.  ISSN 0066-4812.  38(4), s 802- 824 Vis sammendrag

  Joint political mobilisation between trade unions and community groups, often referred to as ‘social movement unionism’, has been upheld as a way forward for organised labour in a neoliberalworld economy. Analysing the interaction between unions and communities is critical for understanding the potential and actual roles played by trade unions in voicing the concerns of marginalized workers and poor communities. This article examines the efforts of organised municipal workers and urban social movements trying to unite their forces in post-apartheid South Africa, by looking at the politics of the Cape Town Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF). While the participants of the APF have in common their opposition to commercialisation and privatisation of service delivery, their political unity is fragile. By contrasting the ‘ideal-type’ social movement unionism depicted in the contemporary literature on labour and globalisation with the findings of this particular case, we uncover some main dimensions along which this organisational cooperation is challenged. In contrast to the political unity experienced during the anti-apartheid struggle, the APF initiative operates in a restructuring post-apartheid economy where bridging internal organisational differences and confronting the hegemonic position of the African National Congress (ANC) in civil society have proved particularly challenging.

• Oldfield, Sophie & Stokke, Kristian (2006). Building Unity in Diversity: Social Movement Activism in the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign, In Adam Habib; Imraam Valodia & Richard Ballard (ed.),  Voices of Protest: Social Movements in Post-Apartheid South Africa.  University of KwaZulu-Natal Press.  ISBN 1869140893.  6.  s 111 - 132 Vis sammendrag

  Formed in February 2001, the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign is a movement of community organisations from poor, marginalized areas of Cape Town. Campaign activists and organisations share threats and experiences of evictions and water disconnections, discontent with state policies of cost-recovery on public services, and dissatisfaction with local political representation (Leitch 2003). An important oppositional voice in local politics in Cape Town, they have joined together to resist disconnections and evictions as well as to intervene in City policies pertaining to housing and public services. The experiential and political unity that has built the Campaign overlies real diversity. Activists and organisations operate in diverse conditions, work from different histories of struggle and relationships with the state, and ground their activism in often-divergent politics. The strength of the Campaign derives from its common community-based identity. Yet, real tension exists between the diversity of community issues, organisations and strategies and the unity required to fight for socio-economic rights and against state policies and actions. Recent experiences highlight that only by accepting its diversity can the Campaign’s unity be built. This chapter analyses the building of the Campaign’s ‘unity in diversity’. After a brief discussion of public service delivery and cost-recovery policies, we examine the centrality of the Campaign’s identity as a community-based movement and the inherent diversity embedded in this identity. The next section explores the ways in which local contexts shape diverse political practices, while also coalescing as particular modes and repertoires of protest in the Campaign. Thereafter, we examine the dynamics in which Campaign leadership has emerged and attempted to negotiate and build from its diverse base. The following two sections turn to legal and research initiatives that have brought activists and organisations together in strategic and creative ways. Finally, the analysis is concluded with a brief comment on the political significance of the Campaign.

• Oldfield, Sophie & Stokke, Kristian (2006). Political Polemics and Local Practices of Community Organizing and Neoliberal Politics in South Africa, In Helga Leitner; Jamie Peck & Eric S. Sheppard (ed.),  Contesting Neoliberalism: Urban Frontiers.  Guilford Publications.  ISBN 1-59385-320-3.  7. Vis sammendrag

  Urban activism was instrumental in bringing about South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy and continues to play an important role in post-apartheid social and political transformation. Yet, different visions of the role for activism and civil society and the direction of urban politics and governance divide theorists and practitioners across the South African political spectrum. All conceptualize civil society as necessary and good, as an instrumental element of post-apartheid development and democratization, but quite contradictory assumptions are built into this promotion of civil society. Radical ‘anti-neo-liberal’ critics, on the one hand, frame South African urban politics in a discourse against neoliberalism, particularly as an oppositional polarization between the neo-liberal state and popular interests and movements in civil society. ‘Liberal’ thinkers from a range of political perspectives, on the other hand, emphasize governance and participatory models through which civil society must work with the state. This has yielded polarized political polemics regarding the role and dynamic of post-apartheid civil society. Framed by a global discourse about neoliberalism, South African debates on ‘progressive’, ‘adversarial’ and ‘emancipative’ urban social movements within the radical camp and on ‘voluntary’, ‘constructive’ and ‘capable’ civic associations and community representatives among liberals speak at cross purposes, especially in relation to analyzing local political practice. Both readings of urban politics frame community organizing in South African cities in monolithic, simplified hues. In this chapter, we contrast this polemic with the practices of community-based organizations that make up the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign. We argue that these binaries do not do justice to the realities of community organizing: in other words, polemical political discourse does not reflect the complexities of political practice. In everyday initiatives to get access to public services, or to protect those that already exist, community organizing crosses the boundary between engagement with the state and opposition to state programs and policies.

• Siluvaithasan, Augustine Soosai & Stokke, Kristian (2006). Fisheries under Fire: Impacts of War and Challenges of Reconstruction and Development in Jaffna Fisheries, Sri Lanka. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951.  60(3), s 240- 248 Vis sammendrag

  Sri Lanka’s armed conflict highlights the relations between war/peace and development, both in terms of impacts of war on livelihoods and in terms of reconstruction and development as means for peace-building. It should be recognised that the grievances behind a conflict may not be identical with post-conflict needs. Such transformation of development needs is demonstrated by the case of Jaffna fisheries. Whereas the fishery sector was peripheral to pre-war Tamil nationalism, the impact of war has made it central to post-war reconstruction and development. The most obvious obstacle to fishery reconstruction is the massive destruction of fishing equipment. While post-tsunami emergency relief has replaced significant proportions of the damaged boats and fishing gear, little has been done to build local institutional capacity for development and peace. Thus, the strategic links from emergency relief to development and peace seem relatively weak. Another pressing concern is the dismantling of army-imposed security restrictions to create normal preconditions for fishing. As these security regulations are closely linked to the balance of power between the protagonists, development of Jaffna fisheries is highly contingent on progress in the peace process. Thus, the potential for conflict transformation through local fishery development seems quite limited without substantive conflict resolution.

• Stokke, Kristian (2006). Building the Tamil Eelam State: Emerging State Institutions and Forms of Governance in LTTE-controlled Areas in Sri Lanka. Third World Quarterly.  ISSN 0143-6597.  27(6), s 1021- 1040 Vis sammendrag

  Sri Lanka’s civil war has created a political – territorial division between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), where LTTE is engaged in a process of state building within the areas they control. The article examines this state formation with an emphasis on the functions and forms of governance that are embedded in the new state institutions. It is observed that the emerging state formation has a strong focus on external and internal security, with an additional emphasis on social welfare and economic development. In terms of governance, the LTTE state apparatus is marked by authoritarian centralisation with few formal mechanisms for democratic representation, but there are also partnership arrangements and institutional experiments that may foster more democratic forms of representation and governance. Hence, resolving the security problem in tandem with political transformations towards democratic governance remain prime challenges for peace building in northeast Sri Lanka.

• Jones, Peris Sean & Stokke, Kristian (2005). From democracy deficits to democratising development: The politics of socio-economic rights in South Africa. Economic and Social Rights Review.  ISSN 1684-260X.  6(2), s 2- 5
• Harriss, John; Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (2005). Pendahuluan: Politik Demokrasi Lokal Baru, I: John Harriss; Kristian Stokke & Olle Törnquist (red.),  Politisasi Demokrasi: Politik Lokal Baru.  Demos. Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies.  ISBN 9799996902.  1.  s 1 - 38
• Jones, Peris Sean & Stokke, Kristian (2005). Introduction - Democratising Development. The Politics of Socio-Economic Rights, In Peris Sean Jones & Kristian Stokke (ed.),  Democratising Development. The Politics of Socio-Economic Rights in South Africa.  Brill Nijhoff.  ISBN 9004148213.  1.  s 1 - 38 Vis sammendrag

  Human rights discourse increasingly enframes contemporary approaches to development. Previously, ‘human rights’ and ‘development’ lay as if two distinct islands in mutually unchartered waters. Socio-economic issues comprised a vast channel that put great distance between human rights and development. Only vaguely registering on the other’s radar, each ‘community’ lacked the intrepidness required to explore unknown territory. In recent years, however, wherever we turn in development policy, be it at the level of United Nations agencies, bi-lateral donor agendas, international non-governmental organisations, and even state-civil society relations, the situation is changing. If not exactly integrated fields, then at least bridge building between these ‘islands’ appears to flourish. The ‘turn’ to human rights and its deployment in the cause of development gives effect to a range of profound discursive, legal and institutional shifts, especially in regard to socio-economic rights. For the best part of half a century, and with only a handful of exceptions, the human rights ‘community’ has ignored socio-economic rights. One of the major outcomes of the growing dialogue therefore has been to place socio-economic rights firmly on both human rights and international development agendas. Against this background, our point of departure is two-fold. First, we take a starting position in the debates on human rights that accepts that socio-economic rights are as legally and normatively valid as civil and political rights. Second, although socio-economic rights are therefore justiciable and integral to a more holistic conception of human dignity, we also recognise that the fulfilment of these rights encounters political obstacles. The development process is prone to contradictory tendencies towards depoliticisation and politicisation. We believe that the former characterises much of the current international and national development agenda. If we are to undo this political deficit in development policy into which so many concepts such as ‘participation’, ‘empowerment’, ‘pro-poor’ and, now, ‘rights-based development’, fall and lose their radical edge, then we need to encourage a democratic politics of rights. This is the key concern in the introductory chapter and the book as a whole: the prospects and means of democratising development through a democratic politics of socio-economic rights.

• Stokke, Kristian & Oldfield, Sophie (2005). Gerakan Sosial, Hak-Hak Sosio-Ekonomi dan Demokratisasi di Afrika Selatan, I: John Harriss; Kristian Stokke & Olle Törnquist (red.),  Politisasi Demokrasi: Politik Lokal Baru.  Demos. Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies.  ISBN 9799996902.  6.  s 181 - 210
• Harris, John; Stokke, Kristian & Tôrnquist, Olle (2004). Introduction: The New Local Politics of Democratisation, In John Harris; Kristian Stokke & Olle Tôrnquist (ed.),  Politicising Democracy: The New Local Politics of Democratisation.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 1-4039-3481-9.  Chapter 1.  s 1 - 28
• Harriss, John; Stokke, Kristian & Tôrnquist, Olle (2004). Introduction: The New Local Politics of Democratisation, In John Harriss; Kristian Stokke & Olle Tôrnquist (ed.),  Politicising Democracy. The New Local Politics of Democratisation.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 1-4039-3481-9.  Chapter 1.  s 1 - 28
• Stokke, Kristian & Oldfield, Sophie (2004). Social Movements, Socio-economic Rights and Substantial Democratisation in South Africa, In John Harriss; Kristian Stokke & Olle Tôrnquist (ed.),  Politicising Democracy. The New Local Politics of Democratisation.  Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 1-4039-3481-9.  Chapter 6.  s 127 - 147 Vis sammendrag

  In spite of the fact that leaders of the anti-apartheid social movements have entered into political power and defined the relations between state and civil society in collaborative terms, South Africa’s democratic transition has not put an end to adversarial popular struggles. One decade into democratic rule, the South African state faces severe challenges in including and transforming a racially and socially fractured and polarised society. In fact, post-apartheid South Africa has been marked by an increase in social inequality, particularly in the context of neo-liberal macroeconomic policies. Material deprivation, combined with increasing use of force against popular protests, have produced and radicalised a range of new social movements that politicise socio-economic rights and demand access to land, health care, housing and public services. Contestation over the meaning of democratisation, and the relationship between economic liberalisation and the pursuit of social justice lie at the heart of these struggles. This chapter focuses on the politics of a post-apartheid social movement, the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign. We specifically examine how community organisations with the Campaign mobilise against state-driven privatisation and cost recovery initiatives to gain access to water, electricity and housing in Cape Town. The chapter analyses the Campaign’s political strategies and capacity to fight for basic services and social justice by focusing on (a) the nature of and sources of political capacities organised through and around neighbourhood issues, (b) the ways such capacities scale up into a social movement such as the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign, and (c) the implications of the mobilisation for substantial democratisation more generally in South Africa. Through this specific empirical focus, the chapter examines the clash between policies for economic liberalisation and struggles for socio-economic justice and their relationship to substantial democratisation, a democracy that should allow diverse actors both the possibility and the capacity to make use of democratic rights and institutions to promote their instrumental and democratic aims.

• Kjæret, Kristin & Stokke, Kristian (2003). Rehoboth Baster, Namibian or Namibian Baster? An analysis of national discourses in Rehoboth, Namibia. Nations and Nationalism.  ISSN 1354-5078.  9(4), s 579- 600 Vis sammendrag

  The point of departure of this article is a conception of nations as discursive constructions of ‘us’/‘here’ in relation to ‘them’/‘there’. The empirical analysis examines three national discourses in Rehoboth, Namibia: (1) a discourse on the ethnic Baster nation; (2) a discourse on the Namibian nation-state and (3) a discourse on the nation-state containing a variety of ethnic nations (‘the rainbow nation’). The first discourse is characterised by a primordial belief about Rehoboth Basters, their homeland and their ties to this homeland. This conception is challenged by the discourse on the Namibian nation-state. Here, it is argued that ‘ethnic nations’ are the creation of colonialism; with Namibia’s new independence, it is seen as necessary to tear down previous ‘ethnic nations’ and build up a new, united nation-state. The rainbow discourse attempts to integrate the other two discourses through ideas about overlapping nations, where the boundaries that separate ‘us’/‘here’ from ‘them’/‘there’ overlap and are inclusive rather than exclusive.

• Millstein, Marianne; Oldfield, Sophie & Stokke, Kristian (2003). uTshani BuyaKhuluma. The Grass Speaks: The political space and capacity of the South African Homeless People's Federation. Geoforum.  ISSN 0016-7185.  34, s 457- 468 Vis sammendrag

  The point of departure for this article is the contemporary tendency towards localisation of politics in the context of neo-liberal globalisation. Mediated through institutional reforms, political discourses and localised struggles, this localisation of politics produce new and transformed local political spaces. The purpose of the article is to examine the capacity of popular movements to use and transform such political spaces within the South African housing sector. This analysis is done through a combination of conceptual examination of political space and actor capacity and a concrete case study of the political strategies and capacities of The South African Homeless People_s Federation. The article argues that the Federation has utilised political relations at different scales to mobilise resources such as land and subsidies for housing for its members. It has also influenced the formulation of housing policies through its discourses and practical experiences with people-driven housing processes. In consequence the Federation’s ability to function as a civil/political movement has granted them a certain capacity to participate in the complicated process of turning de jure rights to adequate shelter into de facto rights for the urban poor as citizens of a democratic South Africa.

• Gerhardt, Hannes & Stokke, Kristian (2002). Industrial district or subordinated production? A case study of small-scale carpentry industry in Accra, Ghana. Geografiska Annaler. Series B. Human Geography.  ISSN 0435-3684.  83(4), s 175- 187 Vis sammendrag

  This article aims at gaining greater insight into the functioning of small-scale industries in an African context. The findings are based on predominately qualitative fieldwork conducted on small-scale carpentry industries in Accra, Ghana. A special concern is whether the small-scale carpenters are capable of acquiring the technological capabilities conducive to a positive industrial development. Two opposing frameworks, one neo-Marxist and one centred on the conceptualisation of industrial districts, are used to discern the nature of locally embedded production and supply linkages, and whether these are conducive to the technological capabilities needed for innovative growth. Despite facing similar structural constraints there are a few small-scale enterprises that remove themselves from the characteristics of informal production by making the greatest use of the services entailed in the carpentry production network. These linkages, however, are still not extensive enough, nor advanced enough, to bring about the technological innovations associated with a true industrial district. The benefits gained through interlinked production are thus better understood as a means of securing domestic resilience, rather than international competitiveness. Furthermore, an explanation for the limitations of these linkages must be sought beyond the meso-level analysis typical of an industrial district approach.

• Stokke, Kristian & Mohan, Giles (2001). The convergence around local civil society and the dangers of localism. Social Scientist.  ISSN 0970-0293.  29(11-12), s 3- 24 Vis sammendrag

  Development studies and practice have undergone a transition that has yielded an unprecedented emphasis on local civil society. This article seeks to address the theoretical roots and shortcomings of different views on civil society. It is argued that development theory has moved away from a polarised debate over state-led versus market-led development, to an emphasis on civil society, as a response to the shortcomings of earlier development models. This has yielded an apparent consensus on civil society between revisionist neo-liberalism and post-Marxism. However, it is also argued that both are marked by problematic tendencies towards essentialising local communities at the expense of non-local political economy. Both tend to caricature the state and romanticise local civil society so that there is little choice but to favour the latter over the former in strategic interventions.

• Mohan, Giles & Stokke, Kristian (2000). Participatory Development and Empowerment: The Dangers of Localism. Third World Quarterly.  ISSN 0143-6597.  21(2), s 247- 268 Vis sammendrag

  Recent discussions ill development have moved away from holistic theorisation towards more localised, empirical and inductive approaches. In development practice there has been a parallel move towards local 'participation' and 'empowerment', which has produced, albeit with very different agendas, a high level of agreement between actors and institutions of the 'new' Left and the 'new' Right. This paper examines the manifestations of this move in four key political arenas: decentralised service delivery, participatory development, social capital formation and local development, and collective actions for 'radical democracy'. We argue that, by focusing so heavily on 'the local', the see manifestations tend to underplay both local inequalities and power relations as well as national and transnational economic and political forces. Following from this, we advocate a stronger emphasis on the politics of the local, ie on the political use of 'the local' by hegemonic and counter-hegemonic interests.

• Smestad, N. & Stokke, Kristian (2000). Anvendelse av fleksibel arbeidskraft i oljeindustrien. En analyse av Statoils bruk av kontraktorarbeidskraft i sokkelbasert virksomhet. Nordisk Samhällsgeografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0282-4329.  (28), s 61- 74
• Stokke, Kristian & Ryntveit, Anne Kirsti (2000). The Struggle for Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka. Growth and Change.  ISSN 0017-4815.  31(2), s 285- 304 Vis sammendrag

  Regionalism has commonly been expected to dissolve as a consequence of the administrative regional penetration of the centralized modern state and the homogenizing forces associated with modernization. This mode of reasoning has reappeared recently among authors who see globalization as a universal force that will eradicate regional economic inequalities, local identities and regional political mobilization. Contrary to these expectations, regional autonomy movements continue to play a central political role within many states. Consequently, it remains an important analytical challenge to understand the construction and politicization of regional interests. Against this background, the article presents a critical interpretation of Tamil separatism in Sri Lanka. It is argued that studies of nationalist movements should seek inspiration in the contemporary dialog between three main perspectives on social movements (theories of new social movements, resource mobilization theories and theories of collective identity) and a corresponding three-dimensional understanding of place (location, locale and sense of place). The paper shows how nationalist mobilization cannot be reduced to essentialist notions of primordial nations, territorial nation-states, or internal colonialism, but instead should be understood as the outcome of cultural and political practices by a multitude of actors, operating in time- and place-specific contexts.

• Andersen, Hans Petter; Stokke, Kristian & Fraas, Morten (1999). Lærerstudenters syn på global befolkningsutvikling og miljødegradering, I:  Globalisering : rapport fra Norske geografers forening årskonferanse 1999 / <Occasional paper, Human geography nr 26>.  Universitetet i Oslo, Insitutt for sosiologi og samfunnsgeografi..  faglig_bok_institusjon.  s 233 - 239
• Stokke, Kristian & Fraas, Morten (1999). Globalisering og samfunnsgeografi, I: Kristian Stokke & Morten Fraas (red.),  Globalisering: Rapport fra Norske geografers forenings årskonferanse 1999.  Institutt for sosiologi og samfunnsgeografi, Universitetet i Oslo, Occasional Paper #26.  s 1 - 7
• Vatne, Eirik; Stokke, Kristian & Fraas, Morten (1999). Networking firms in a global economy: Impact of agglomeration economies and networking on international operation in small and medium-sized firms, In  Globalisering: Rapport fra Norske geografers forenings årskonferanse 1999. I: Occasional paper. Human geography.  Department for Sociology and Human Geography, University of Oslo.  faglig_bok_institusjon.  s 87 - 104
• Vikan, Stein Terje & Stokke, Kristian (1999). Stat/samfunn-relasjonar og kampen for landreform i Zimbabwe. Nordisk Samhällsgeografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0282-4329.  (28), s 45- 61 Vis sammendrag

  Den skeive fordelinga av jordbruksarealet i Zimbabwe har vore eit svært aktuelt politisk tema sidan frigjeringa i 1980. Sjølv om regjeringspartiet ZANU(PF) har hatt omfordeling av land som ei av sine viktigaste saker, har ei radikal landreform ikkje vorte implementert. Formålet med denne artikkelen er å belysa dei politiske prosessane i tilknytning til landreform i Zimbabwe på 1980- og 90-talet. Vi hevdar at den aktuelle politiske arenaen er prega av svake koplingar mellom staten og småbøndene. Staten har liten kapasitet til å mobilisera småbøndene økonomisk og politisk, og småbøndene er lite involvert i statleg jordbrukspolitikk. Dette har ført til ei gjensidig svekkjing av staten og småbøndene. Resultatet av dette har vore at småbøndene ikkje har fått tilgang på nytt land i den grad som landreforma har lova, og regjeringa ikkje har kunna retta på dei ulikskapane som kolonistyret skapte.

• Stokke, Kristian (1998). Globalization and the politics of poverty alleviation in the South. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951.  52(4) Vis sammendrag

  Persisting poverty and on-going restructuring of the state have produced new conceptualizations of social development and poverty alleviation in the South. This article argues that it is important to undertake critical political analyses of specific programs for poverty alleviation. The scope and scale of poverty alleviation programs are seen as products of political and economic structures but also of specific material and symbolic practices employed by key political actors. The article outlines some conceptual considerations regarding the politics of poverty alleviation and illustrates these with a brief discussion of the Janasaviya Poverty Alleviation Programme in Sri Lanka.

• Stokke, Kristian (1998). Politisk geografi og utvikling: Staten og sosiale bevegelser i postkoloniale samfunn, I: Jan Hesselberg (red.),  Utviklingsgeografi.  Tano. Vis sammendrag

  Dette kapitlet fokuserer på staten og sosiale bevegelser i postkoloniale samfunn. Den første delen av kapitlet presenterer en gjennomgang av sentrale perspektiv på staten innenfor utviklingsstudier og en kortfattet diskusjon av utviklingsgeografers bidrag til studiet av den postkoloniale staten. Kapitlets andre del fokuserer på kollektiv politisk mobilisering i form av sosiale bevegelser og hvordan disse kan forstås utifra perspektiv som vektlegger henholdsvis sosial endring, ressursmobilisering og kollektiv identitet. Det generelle argumentet i kapitlet er at det er nødvendig å se stat og samfunn i sammenheng, dvs. å se på staten og samfunnet som gjensidig påvirket av politisk praksis innenfor disse to arenaene.

• Stokke, Kristian (1998). Sinhalese and Tamil nationalism as post-colonial projects from "above", 1948-1983. Political Geography.  ISSN 0962-6298.  17(1), s 83- 113 Vis sammendrag

  This article examines Sinhalese and Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka in the period from independence in 1948 to the rise of militant Tamil separatist nationalism in the early 1980s. Inspired by recent developments in political geography, the core of the argument is that Sinhalese and Tamil nationalism represent post-colonial political projects where nationalist material and discursive practices have been initiated by segments of the dominant class for the purpose of mobilization within political alliances. More specifically, it is argued that Sri Lankan post-colonial politics has been characterized by three kinds of political alliances; ethnic class alliances, political patron-client networks and strategic government alliances. The emergence and radicalization of Sinhalese and Tamil nationalist politics should be understood as a matter of continuities and changes in the material and discursive practices within these alliances. In the early post-colonial period, this politics of alliances ensured a degree of political participation and social redistribution, and as such served to defuse ethnic and class tensions. In the late post-colonial period, the neglect of the material and discursive practices of the ethnic class alliances and particularly the strategic government alliances undermined the legitimacy of the political system and led to a radicalization of Tamil nationalist demands in the 1970s and the emergence of militant Tamil nationalism from below in the 1980s.

• Mygland, Ane S. & Stokke, Kristian (1997). Symbolsk produksjon og forbruk av sted innen økoturisme i Costa Rica. Nordisk Samhällsgeografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0282-4329.  (24), s 3- 21 Vis sammendrag

  Moderne turisme innebærer en symbolsk produksjon og forbruk av sted i den forstand at reiseindustrien og turistene konstruerer og konsumerer ulike bilder av steder. Disse bildene er sett av tegn som gir mening til stedet og knytter steder og aktiviteter til ulike livsstiler og identiteter. Symbolsk produksjon og forbruk av sted er således en integrert del av konstruksjonen av livsstil og identitet. Økoturisme har økt i omfang og fått økende oppmerksomhet i massemedia og akademiske framstillinger de siste åra. Myndighetene i Costa Rica har vektlagt at landet må satse på økologisk turisme som en del av en generell strategi for bærekraftig utvikling. Formålet med denne artikkelen er å analysere den symbolske produksjonen og forbruket av ulike steder i forbindelse med økoturisme i Costa Rica og hvordan dette er knyttet opp mot livsstil og identitet. I Costa Rica innebærer dette først og fremst en analyse av ulike representasjoner av natur og miljø. Artikkelen søker således å besvare to hovedproblemstillinger. For det første, hvilke tegn forbundet med natur og miljø representerer ulike reisemål i Costa Rica? For det andre, hvilken rolle spiller tegn forbundet med natur og miljø for turistenes livsstil og identitet og deres valg av reisemål og ferieaktiviteter?

• Stokke, Kristian (1997). Authoritarianism in the Age of Market Liberalism in Sri Lanka. Antipode.  ISSN 0066-4812.  29(4), s 437- 455 Vis sammendrag

  The agenda for ¿good governance¿ postulates that good governance constitutes both a precondition and an outcome of economic development. This is in direct opposition to neo Marxist analyses which asserts that there is a causal link between economic liberalization and bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes. This article argues that the relationship between governance and economic development cannot be resolved in such abstract and ahistorical terms but must be approached through concrete analyses of political strategies around and within the post colonial state. A closer examination of the recent coexistence of authoritarianism and economic liberalization in Sri Lanka supports this argument.

• Stokke, Kristian (1997). Singalesisk og tamilsk nasjonalisme som politiske prosjekt, I:  Sri Lanka: Nasjonalisme, identitet og migrasjon.  Tano Aschehoug, Oslo.  ISBN 82-518-3513-5.  s 24 - 43
• Stokke, Kristian & Hollup, Oddvar (1997). Sosialt og kulturelt mangfold, I:  Sri Lanka: Nasjonalisme, identitet og migrasjon.  Tano Aschehoug, Oslo.  ISBN 82-518-3513-5.  Kapitel 1.  s 11 - 22
• Ryntveit, Anne Kirsti & Stokke, Kristian (1995). Den vanskelige nasjonalismen: Teorier om nasjonalisme og tamilsk separatisme i Sri Lanka. Nordisk Samhällsgeografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0282-4329.  (20), s 60- 74
• Stokke, Kristian (1995). Poverty as Politics: The Janasaviya Poverty Alleviation Programme in Sri Lanka. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951.  49(3), s 123- 135

Se alle arbeider i Cristin

• Hiariej, Eric & Stokke, Kristian (red.) (2018). Politik Kewargaan di Indonesia. Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-602-8.  376 s.
• Hiariej, Eric & Stokke, Kristian (ed.) (2017). Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia. Yayasan Obor Indonesia.  ISBN 978-602-433-507-6.  394 s.
• Jordhus-Lier, David Christoffer & Stokke, Kristian (red.) (2017). Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring. Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  371 s.
• Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (ed.) (2013). Democratization in the Global South: The Importance of Transformative Politics. Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 9780230370036.  337 s.
• Stokke, Kristian & Uyangoda, Jayadeva (ed.) (2012). Liberal Peace in Question: Politics of State and Market Reform in Sri Lanka. Anthem Press.  ISBN 9380601425.  215 s.
• Stokke, Kristian & Uyangoda, Jayadeva (ed.) (2011). Liberal Peace in Question. Politics of State and Market Reform in Sri Lanka. Anthem Press.  ISBN 9781843318965.  216 s.
• Stokke, Kristian & Manandar, Mohan Das (ed.) (2010). State and Society. Social Exclusion and Inclusion in Nepal. Mandala Book Point.  ISBN 9789994655137.  153 s.
• Pfaff-Czarnecka, Joanna; Manandhar, Mohan Das & Stokke, Kristian (ed.) (2009). Identity and Society. Social Exclusion and Inclusion in Nepal. Mandala Book Point.  ISBN 978-99946-55-11-3.  167 s. Vis sammendrag

  Social exclusion in Nepal is condoned and supported by the exclusionary state ideology. Brahmins and Chhetris, the co-called high caste groups discriminated and suppressed the Dalits, indigenous nationalities, Madhesis and religious minorities and their cultural practices, including languages. In this regard, Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF) supported by the Royal Norwegian Embassy, Kathmandu and administered by SNV Nepal facilitated the process of studying exclusion in Nepal which has resulted in around 171 studies on the subject. Identity and Society contains the summarised article of the SIRF secretariat selected four studies. The studies have been selected on basis of their relevance in the discourse of social inclusion in Nepal. The article of Yam Bahadur Kisan explores on Dalits’ inclusion in Nepali state governance and the article of Keshari Kansakar and Sita Ghimire deals on the intricacies of inter-caste marriage between Dalits and Non-Dalits. Likewise, the article of Yogendra Yadava accounts linguistic diversity in Nepal along with its policy planning and the article of Kamal Maden et. al. documents Kirat nationalities’ indigenous knowledge on biological resource. Further, the book is fortune to have an article on “Discourse on Social Exclusion and Inclusion in Nepal: Old Wine in a New Bottle” by Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan. The introduction of the book has been contributed by Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka, Kristian Stokke and Mohan Das Manandhar

• Törnquist, Olle; Webster, Neill & Stokke, Kristian (ed.) (2009). Rethinking Popular Representation. Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 978-0-230-62136-7.  273 s. Vis sammendrag

  Rethinking Popular Representation starts out from the deep concern with contemporary tendencies towards depoliticisation of public issues and popular interests. It is argued that the root cause of this is flawed representation, due to both elitist institution building and fragmented citizen participation. Hence the book makes a case for the need to rethink more democratic popular representation. Towards this end the book outlines an overarching analytical framework for popular representation, examines key theoretical issues and empirical experiences of popular representation and provides a policy-oriented conclusion.

• Harriss, John; Stokke, Kristian & Törnquist, Olle (red.) (2005). Politisasi Demokrasi: Politik Lokal Baru. Demos. Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies.  ISBN 9799996902.  362 s.
• Jones, Peris Sean & Stokke, Kristian (ed.) (2005). Democratising Development. The Politics of Socio-Economic Rights in South Africa. Brill Nijhoff.  ISBN 9004148213.  300 s. Vis sammendrag

  What are the prospects and means of achieving development through a democratic politics of socio-economic rights? Starting from the position that socio-economic rights are as legally and normatively valid as civil and political rights, this anthology explores the politics of acquiring and transforming socio-economic rights in South Africa. The book brings together an interdisciplinary group of leading scholars in an examination of the multifaceted politics of social and economic policy-making, rights-based political struggles and socio-economic rights litigations. The post-apartheid South African experience shows that there is no guarantee that democracy will eliminate poverty or reduce social inequality, but also that democratic institutions and politics may provide important means for asserting interests and rights in regard to development. Thus it is argued that democratic politics of socio-economic rights may democratise development while also developing democracy.

• Harris, John; Stokke, Kristian & Tôrnquist, Olle (ed.) (2004). Politicising Democracy: The New Local Politics of Democratisation. Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 1-4039-3481-9.  272 s. Vis sammendrag

  There is a major contradiction in contemporary politics: there has been a wave of democratization that has swept across much of the world, while at the same time globalization appears to have reduced the social forces that have built democracy historically. This book, by an international group of authors, analyses the ways in which local politics in developing countries--often neglected in work on democratization--render democratic experiments more or less successful in realizing substantial democracy.

• Harriss, John; Stokke, Kristian & Tôrnquist, Olle (ed.) (2004). Politicising Democracy. The New Local Politics of Democratisation. Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN 1-4039-3481-9.  272 s. Vis sammendrag

  There is a major contradiction in contemporary politics: there has been a wave of democratization that has swept across much of the world, while at the same time globalization appears to have reduced the social forces that have built democracy historically. This book, by an international group of authors, analyses the ways in which local politics in developing countries--often neglected in work on democratization--render democratic experiments more or less successful in realizing substantial democracy.

• Stokke, Kristian (1999). Politisk geografi. Tano Aschehoug.  ISBN 82-518-3820-7.  207 s. Vis sammendrag

  Hva er betydningen av rom og sted i politikk? Hvordan skal relasjonene mellom rom og makt forstås? I denne boken redegjør forfatteren for hvordan ulike fagretninger innenfor politisk geografi har forsøkt å besvare disse spørsmålene. Hans hovedpoeng er at det "romlige" og det "politiske" må forstås som en helhet og ikke som separate prosesser. Boken er delt inn i åtte kapitler som fokuserer på henholdsvis geopolitikk, statsteorier, vestlige velferdsstater, postkoloniale statsdannelser, sosiale bevegelser, nasjoner og nasjonalisme og uformell politikk. Forfatteren argumenterer for at studier i politisk geografi må baseres på elementer fra politisk økonomi, aktørorienterte tilnærminger og diskursanalyse.

• Stokke, Kristian & Hollup, Oddvar (1997). Sri Lanka: Nasjonalisme, identitet og migrasjon. Tano Aschehoug, Oslo.  ISBN 82-518-3513-5.  147 s. Vis sammendrag

  Etter uavhengigheten i 1948 utviklet Sri Lanka seg til en sosialdemokratisk velferdsstat og utviklingsmodell for andre land i den tredje verden. Men i de siste 13 årene jar landet vært preget av en voldelig konflikt mellom den singalesisk-dominerte staten og militante tamilske separatister. Denne boken presenterer et utvalg av samfunnsvitenskapelige analyser av singalesisk og tamilsk etnonasjonalisme, og hvordan den etniske konflikten har påvirket tamilsk migrasjon til Norge. Forfatterne ønsker å skape økt innsikt i og interesse for den politiske utviklingen i et av Norges hovedsamarbeidsland for bistand i Asia. Et av hovedargumentene i boken er at interne forskjeller, basert på kjønn, kaste, klasse og religiøs tilhørighet, blir undertrykt til fordel for en overordnet og homogen etnonasjonal identitet. Dette skaper et bilde av et skarpt skille mellom de som inkluderes i nasjonen (vi) og de som ekskluderes (de andre). Bidragsyterne i boken hevder at singalesisk og tamilsk etnonasjonalisme utgjør politiske strategier for bestemte grupper innen de to nasjonalitetene.

Se alle arbeider i Cristin

• Erdal, Marta Bivand; Stokke, Kristian & Bertelli, Davide (2019). Sense of Belonging and Political Participation: A Qualitative Case Study Connecting Migrants’ Sense of Belonging and Political Participation in Brescia, Italy.
• Stokke, Kristian; Törnquist, Olle & Arnesen, Vegar Krogh (ed.) (2018). Power, Welfare and Democracy. Lessons from Indonesia in Comparative Perspectives, especially Myanmar and Scandinavia (Conference report, University of Oslo, 29-30 November 2017). Fulltekst i vitenarkiv.
• Stokke, Kristian; Vakulchuk, Roman & Øverland, Indra (2018). Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis. Fulltekst i vitenarkiv. Vis sammendrag

  Myanmar may for a long time remain in a transitional state with an uncertain future. After a series of political and economic liberalization reforms from 2011 onwards, Myanmar’s political trajectory remains open-ended, although the most plausible scenario remains a continued slow democratization process. The democratic opening has been driven largely by the interest of the military rulers in changing Myanmar’s relations with Western states and thereby gaining leverage vis-à-vis China. Continued military influence, persistent capacity problems in political parties and parliamentary politics, weak channels of political representation and limited administrative capacity give rise to critical questions about the substance of democratization and economic development in Myanmar. The country’s informal economy is one of the largest in the world and is upheld by informal elite pacts that were formed in the military era, often involving high-ranking officers and crony companies. Along with a high level of corruption and lack of redistributive mechanisms the continuing cronyism hinders inclusive growth. If these economic structures persist, social and ethnic conflicts may intensify and progress towards further democratization stall. Despite this, foreign direct investments in resource extraction and other sectors have been on the rise since 2011 and are likely to continue. Myanmar is also ranked as the world’s second-most vulnerable country to climate change. The government needs a better understanding of climate change and its effects – both its direct impacts on Myanmar and its indirect impacts via neighbouring countries such as Bangladesh. As Myanmar remains at a crossroads, smart external assistance may have greater long-term impact in Myanmar than in other recipient countries where the situation is less volatile. However, donors may also become increasingly frustrated and reduce their assistance because of the ongoing Rohingya crisis and because of the limited local capacity to absorb international assistance.

• García-Godos, Jemima & Stokke, Kristian (2017). Naturressurser: Utvinning, utvikling og konflikt, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  Kapittel 10.  s 135 - 151
• Jordhus-Lier, David Christoffer & Stokke, Kristian (2017). Hva er samfunnsgeografi? Den geografiske forestillingsevne, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  Kapittel 1.  s 19 - 28
• Jordhus-Lier, David Christoffer & Stokke, Kristian (2017). Hva kan samfunnsgeografer gjøre med verden?, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  Kapittel 26.  s 361 - 367
• Jordhus-Lier, David Christoffer & Stokke, Kristian (2017). Samfunnsgeografiske kjernebegreper, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  Kapittel 3.  s 45 - 62
• Stokke, Kristian (2017). Autokratisk demokratisering og medborgerskap for etniske minoriteter i Burma/Myanmar.
• Stokke, Kristian (2017). Samfunnsgeografiens faghistorie, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  Kapittel 2.  s 29 - 43
• Stokke, Kristian (2017). The Way Forward to Peace in Burma/Myanmar: Prospects and Risks in Peace Engagement.
• Stokke, Kristian & Erdal, Marta Bivand (2017). Political geographies of citizenship. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951.  71(4), s 189- 192 . doi: 10.1080/00291951.2017.1359207
• Stokke, Kristian & Erdal, Marta Bivand (2017). Political geographies of citizenship (Introduction to special issue). Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift.  ISSN 0029-1951. . doi: 10.1080/00291951.2017.1359207
• Stokke, Kristian; Erdal, Marta Bivand; Potthoff, Kerstin & Turner, Catriona (ed.) (2017). Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography, Vol. 71, No. 4, September 2017. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift. 4.
• Stokke, Kristian & Gleiss, Marielle Stigum (2017). Identitet, medborgerskap og identitetspolitikk, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  Kapittel 13.  s 175 - 190
• Garcia-Godos, Jemima & Stokke, Kristian (2016). Naturressurser: utvinning, utvikling og konflikt, I: David Christoffer Jordhus-Lier & Kristian Stokke (red.),  Samfunnsgeografi: En innføring.  Cappelen Damm Akademisk.  ISBN 9788202547752.  s 135 - 163
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 14. februar). Ikke håp om framgang på Sri Lanka.  Under Dusken.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 31. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 26. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 26. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  NRK2.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 26. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  NRK 2.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 26. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka.  Vårt Land.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 23. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Verden i dag.
• Stokke, Kristian (2010, 27. januar). President-utfordrer omringet av soldater. Regimet føler seg truet av Fonseka.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 14. mai). 5633 tamiler møtte opp for å avgi stemme.  Utrop.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 18. april). Demonstrasjoner kan nytte.  Vårt Land.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 16. mai). Derfor ofres de.  Klassekampen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 18. mars). Et norsk fallittbo?.  Dagsavisen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 08. april). FN-ekspert advarer mot blodbad på Sri Lanka.  NTB.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 12. februar). Fokus på Sri Lanka. [TV].  NRK TV Urix.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 09. februar). Frykter klar seier.  Vårt Land.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 12. februar). Frykter ny geriljakrig. [Internett].  Klar Tale.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 20. mai). Frykter tamilsk quislingstyre.  Vårt Land.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 28. januar). Føler seg sviktet av det internasjonale samfunnet.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 05. august). Første valg etter Tigrenes nederlag: Pressen får ikke dekke valget.  Aftenposten.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 26. august). Grusom video viser angivelig henrettelser på Sri Lanka.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 16. april). Har Norge ødelagt for fredsprosessen på Sri Lanka?.  Dagbladet.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 26. august). Her henrettes forsvarsløse fanger.  Aftenposten.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 15. april). Krev reaksjonar fra regjeringa.  Klassekampen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 07. januar). Kritiserer Norges Sri Lanka-stillhet. [Internett].  ABC Nyheter.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 01. april). Kritisert for å arrangere møte med Tamiltigrene.  NTB.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 07. april). Lite Norge kan gjøre.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 10. april). Meglerland krever stans i Sri Lanka-krig.  NTB.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 01. februar). Militær seier gir ingen fred.  Bergens Tidende.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 21. april). Norge må bli tøffere.  Dagbladet.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 29. juli). Norge skviset om milliardlån i IMF: Mente nei, sa ja til Sri Lanka.  Klassekampen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 02. mars). Norsk-tamilske helseteam klare til å reise til krigsområdene.  Utrop.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 16. april). Nye blodige kamper på Sri Lanka. [Internett].  ABC Nyheter.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 21. juli). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 18. mai). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 16. mai). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka.  Bergens Tidende.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 14. mai). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  NRK TV Urix.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 22. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  NRK TV Østnytt.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 22. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P1 Hedmark/Oppland.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 22. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV2 Nyhetskanalen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 22. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  NRK 2 Morgennyheter.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 22. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Nyhetsmorgen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 21. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 21. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P1 Her og Nå.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 21. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  Radio Norge.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 14. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV2 Nyhetskanalen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 08. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 08. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV2.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 07. april). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P1 Her og Nå.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 26. februar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  Radio Nova.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 26. februar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 06. februar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV2 Nyhetskanalen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 05. februar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 04. februar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV2.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 28. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P1 Alltid Nyheter.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 23. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV2 Nyhetskanalen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 21. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [TV].  TV Norge.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 15. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 08. januar). Nyhetskommentar om Sri Lanka. [Radio].  NRK P2 Dagsnytt 18.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 10. februar). Selvmordsangrep øker frykten.  Vårt Land.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 29. april). Slutspil på Sri Lanka.  Dagbladet Politiken.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 17. januar). Sluttspel på Sri Lanka.  Dag og Tid.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 19. mai). Sri Lanka splittet i seier og sorg.  NTB.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 26. februar). Sri Lanka verre enn Gaza.  Aftenposten.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 30. april). Sri Lanka: Var det Norges feil?.  Utrop.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 17. mai). Sri Lanka-ekspert: Ser ut som LTTE er knust.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 10. mai). Sri Lanka-forsker om 378 drepte: Frykter mer avd et samme.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 16. februar). Sri Lanka-krig fortsætter trods Tigres fald.  Information (Danmark).
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 14. oktober). Sri Lankas regjering fordømmer Norge.  Aftenposten.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 10. april). Store tamildemonstrasjoner over hele verden.  Dagbladet.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 17. april). Superinnvandrernes opprør.  Aftenposten.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 16. februar). Tamilane er skuffa over Solheim.  Bergens Tidende.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 25. mai). Tamiltigrene lover kamp med fredens midler.  NTB.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 17. mai). Tamiltigrene: Vi har ikke overgitt oss.  VG.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 12. mars). Tiger-leder slår ihjel for at få sit ønske opfyldt.  Information (Danmark).
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 11. februar). Tigre på terrorliste forværrer Sri Lanka-konflikt.  Information (Danmark).
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 09. januar). Tigrene taper.  Morgenbladet.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 22. april). Varsler blodbad på Sri Lanka.  Dagsavisen.
• Stokke, Kristian (2009, 08. april). Verden gjør lite for å stanse krigen på Sri Lanka.  NTB.
• Stokke, Kristian (2007). Humanitarian Response to Natural Disasters: A Synthesis of Evaluation Findings.
• Stokke, Kristian (2007). Humanitær innsats ved naturkatastrofer: En syntese av evalueringsfunn.
• Stokke, Kristian & Shanmugaratnam, N. (2005). From relief and rehabilitation to peace in Sri Lanka. Polity.  ISSN 0032-3497.  2(3), s 10- 11
• Stokke, Kristian & Shanmugaratnam, N. (2005). From relief, rehabilitation to peace. ?.
• Oldfield, Sophie & Stokke, Kristian (2004). Building Unity in Diversity: Social Movement Activism in the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign. Vis sammendrag

  The Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign is a movement of community organisations from poor, marginalised areas of Cape Town that formed in February 2001 to fight against evictions and water cut-offs. A diversity of issues lies behind the emergence of the Campaign, although the initial impetus was Cape Town City Council-led evictions of families from two areas of state-owned flats in former coloured group areas. Across the Campaign, activists and organisations share threats and experiences of water cut-offs and evictions, collective discontent with post-apartheid polices of cost-recovery on basic services, and dissatisfaction with local political representation. Through involvement in the Campaign, tactics and strategies have been shared and activists have been empowered in their everyday community-based activism. An important oppositional voice in local politics in Cape Town, they have joined together to intervene, and often disrupt, citywide policy and public discourse on equity and socio-economic rights. The Campaign has given force as well as shape to a discourse on justice and the imperative to challenge post-apartheid service delivery and cost-recovery policies. This collective experiential and discursive unity builds, however, on real diversity. Rich relationships that have evolved between activists through involvement in the Campaign cross many differences, and provide the energy that in part has catalysed activists to build a united, citywide movement. Activists and organisations live in diverse conditions, work from different histories of struggle and relationships with the state, and ground their activism in often-divergent politics. The potential strength of the Campaign builds on its diversity and its common community-based identity. Yet, at the same time, a real tension exists between the diversity that constitutes the Campaign and the unity required to fight for socio-economic rights, and against state policies and actions. Only by accepting diversity could the Campaign’s unity be built. Yet, paradoxically, the same diversity makes organising the Campaign challenging and produces tensions that at times have splintered and diffused its vision, and politicised its actions and constitution.

• Stokke, Kristian & Shanmugaratnam, N. (2004). Fred og utvikling i Sri Lanka. Klassekampen.  ISSN 0805-3839.  s 10 Vis sammendrag

  Sri Lanka bilag utgitt av Utviklingsfondet og Spire, med økomomisk støtte fra Utenriksdepartementet

• Oldfield, Sophie & Stokke, Kristian (2002). Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign Report.
• Tôrnquist, Olle & Stokke, Kristian (2001). Local Politics and Democratisation in Developing Countries: Revised and extended outline of a joint research program.
• Stokke, Kristian & Fraas, Morten (red.) (1999). Globalisering: Rapport fra Norske geografers forenings årskonferanse 1999.

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