Reaching Out to Close the Border: The Transnationalization of Anti-Immigration Movements in Europe

• Fangen, Katrine (2026). The transnationalist nationalists: the joint curriculum of anti-immigration actors in Norway. Journal of Political Ideologies. ISSN 1356-9317. 31(1), p. 249–269. doi: 10.1080/13569317.2024.2358349. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  This article delves into the transnational ideational influences that shape the discourse and actions of actors who mobilize against migration to Norway. While anti-immigrant sentiments often revolve around the preservation of the nation-state, their inspirations frequently transcend national borders. Through interviews with a diverse array of Norwegian actors who mobilize against migration, from left-wing to right-wing, parliamentary to extraparliamentary, this study uncovers the multifaceted web of transnational influences. Two distinct streams emerge: one drawn from exemplary entities, such as policies and politicians in other countries, and the other from ‘enlightening’ sources, like alternative media and ‘intellectual entrepreneurs. These influences, while interconnected, cast different shades upon the anti-immigration worldview, some emanating from ‘alternative’ sources, while others from the mainstream. This research not only deepens our understanding of non-relational ideational diffusion but also illuminates the mainstreaming of nationalist ideologies. The article underscores the significance of critical events and organic intellectuals in shaping the cultural understanding of unconnected actors. By encompassing a broad spectrum of anti-immigration actors, this study uncovers common threads that unite seemingly disparate actors, offering insights into the shared dynamics of transnationalism.

• Fangen, Katrine & Nissen, Anita (2025). Influencing the general public? The self-perceived communicative roles of Norwegian and Danish far-right anti-immigration actors. Journal of Contemporary European Studies. ISSN 1478-2804. doi: 10.1080/14782804.2025.2514845. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  How do far-right actors perceive their agency in disseminating their worldviews? With the global rise of the far right, it is crucial to understand the communication strategies of far-right extra-parliamentary anti-immigration actors. Based on interviews with Norwegian and Danish far-right members of protest groups, blogs, right-wing alternative media, political parties and associations, this paper explores their communication methods, motivations, target audiencesand perceived influence. Drawing on Parkinson’s concept of performative democracy, we analyse how these actors stage their communicative roles across public and digital spaces, shaping their rhetoric to audience expectations and opportunities for influence. Normalization – the process by which ideas become accepted as standard – emerges as central to their attempts to shape public discourse. Content analysis of the interviews reveals four distinct roles: ‘Debate nuancers’ aim to influence mainstream discourse and policymakers through information and lobbyism, shifting discourse rightward. ‘Enlighteners’ employ provocation to spark controversy. ‘Mainstream returners’ previously adhered to the first two roles but now seek to appear more legitimate and moderate. Lastly, ‘Right-wing ideology debaters’ engage in internal far-right ideological discussions. These roles reflect varying perceptions of the societal mainstream, the political system and appropriate tactics. Together, they highlight the strategic and performative nature of far-right communication. By tailoring their approaches to different platforms and audiences, these actors seek not only visibility but legitimacy. Understanding these dynamics provides insight into how the far-right gains traction and influence political discourse.

• Dammen, Kristine Brastad & Fangen, Katrine (2024). ‘We are living in the time of a turning point’: exploring views on global entities in immigration–a comparative study of actors from different political leanings. Globalizations. ISSN 1474-7731. 21(8), p. 1383–1401. doi: 10.1080/14747731.2024.2353992. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  In recent years, a series of global crises have triggered a heightened politicization of international policy efforts and a questioning of the role of global forums in the management of these crises. This article investigates the perspectives of diverse actors who mobilize against immigration to Norway, including actors from the mainstream right and left and from the far right and the far left, to analyse how they frame the impact of global political entities for migration. Based on an analysis of 27 interviews with politicians, social movement activists, and knowledge producers, we explore how radical actors employ anti-globalism frames to delegitimize refugee reception, whereas mainstream actors advocate for the regulation of migration by referencing global agreements. Ultimately, our study further nuances cleavage theory by examining how nationalism and populism intersect within the spectrum from moderate to radical viewpoints regarding the role of globalization in the realm of immigration.

• Fangen, Katrine & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2024). Reaching out beyond the national border? How far-right actors in Germany and Norway evaluate transnationalism. Nations and Nationalism. ISSN 1354-5078. 30(4), p. 683–699. doi: 10.1111/nana.13021. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Research has emphasised the importance of far-right trans-nationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, theliterature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far-rightactors themselves reflect their transnational practices(or lack thereof), such as party-level exchange, joint protestevents, or online communication. Drawing on original inter-view data from Germany and Norway, our research unveilsthat while far-right ‘nationalists’ generally endorse transna-tional activities, only a minority actively participates. Theinterviewees perceive transnational practices as opportuni-ties for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength,and networking. Simultaneously, they express concernsabout being associated with extremists and gettingentangled in conflict-ridden areas. Theoretically, we discussthe role of ideology and everyday life as well as the impor-tance of only limited strategic incentives for understandingfar-right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels toexperiences made by left-wing actors. Moreover, we under-line the potential of Granovetter's ‘strength of weak ties’for far-right diffusion.

• Lewicki, Aleksandra (2022). East–west inequalities and the ambiguous racialisation of ‘Eastern Europeans’. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. ISSN 1369-183X. doi: 10.1080/1369183X.2022.2154910. Full text in Research Archive
• Heinze, Anna-Sophie & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). How Political Parties Respond to Pariah Street Protest: The Case of Anti-Corona Mobilisation in Germany. German Politics. ISSN 0964-4008. p. 1–22. doi: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2042518. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  How do political parties respond to street protest by political outsiders widely considered to be ‘pariahs’ (i.e. radical or extremist actors)? Bridging the literature on responses to ‘populist’ radical right parties with insights from social movement studies, we propose a theoretical model that conceptualises potential party responses to pariah protest. Innovatively, our typology distinguishes between a set of formal and substantive responses to street mobilisation. Empirically, we apply this model by providing the first systematic study of how political parties have responded to the ‘anti-Corona’ protests of Querdenken, contributing to social science research on the politics of the COVID-19 pandemic. Analysing the critical case of Germany, we underline the stark difference between how the populist radical right AfD and all other Bundestag parties respond to anti-Corona mobilisation, showing how political protest may sharpen the polarisation of party politics. Moreover, we highlight the more nuanced but still important differences in responses by established German parties. Theoretically, the article provides an analytical framework valuable in times of increasing street mobilisation by radical and extremist actors. Methodologically, our analysis relies on a systematic media analysis of articles from two major German newspapers. Empirically, it contributes to our understanding of the difficult but crucial relationship between the German protest and party arena during the COVID-19 pandemic.

• Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). Politik auf der Straße? Zum Forschungsstand zu sozialen Bewegungen, Protest und Zivilgesellschaft. Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft. ISSN 1865-2646. doi: 10.1007/s12286-022-00542-8. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Zusammenfassung Soziale Bewegungen prägen zeitgenössische Gesellschaften. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert die wesentlichen Erkenntnisse der internationalen Bewegungs- und Protestforschung und ordnet den Forschungsstand ein. Das Ziel ist es, die Aufmerksamkeit sozialwissenschaftlicher Forschung verstärkt auf Politik „auf der Straße“ zu lenken. Dabei fokussiert der Artikel auf vier zentrale Fragestellungen: die definitorische Annäherung an das Phänomenon (was sind soziale Bewegungen?), ihre Formierung (wann und warum entstehen soziale Bewegungen?), ihre Aktionsformen (wie agieren soziale Bewegungen?) sowie ihre Auswirkungen (welchen Einfluss haben soziale Bewegungen?). Abschließend plädiert der Beitrag für eine enge Verknüpfung von Bewegungs- und Protestforschung mit der Parteienforschung und der politischen Soziologie. Protest ist nicht bloß l’art pour l’art : Ohne eine Bezugnahme auf Parteipolitik und Gesellschaftsanalyse bleibt das Verständnis von sozialen Bewegungen begrenzt. Andererseits würde die Analyse von (Partei‑)Politik und gesellschaftlichen Makro-Entwicklungen von einer verstärkten Berücksichtigung sozialer Bewegungen profitieren.

• Otteni, Cyrill & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). AfD gegen die Grünen? Rechtspopulismus und klimapolitische Polarisierung in Deutschland. Forschungsjournal soziale Bewegungen (FJSB ). ISSN 2192-4848. 35(2), p. 317–335. doi: 10.1515/fjsb-2022-0022. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Zusammenfassung Der politische Konflikt um den Klimawandel bestimmt die deutsche Politik. Dieser Artikel untersucht die oftmals vernachlässigte Rolle der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in dieser Auseinandersetzung und zeigt, dass rechtspopulistische Parteien keine „single-issue“-Parteien sind. Dabei wird sowohl die Angebots- als auch die Nachfrageseite beleuchtet. Der Artikel fokussiert zunächst auf das klimapolitische Angebot der AfD und diskutiert, wie sie, im starken Gegensatz zu ihren Mitbewerber*innen, den anthropogenen Klimawandel leugnet und welche konkreten energiepolitischen Themen sie dabei in den Mittelpunkt stellt. Im Anschluss zeigt der Artikel, dass die Positionierung der AfD mit den Ansichten ihrer Wähler*innen im Einklang steht. Das Angebot korrespondiert mit der Nachfrage: „Klimaskeptische“ Teile der deutschen Bevölkerung sympathisieren verstärkt mit der AfD. Das betrifft nicht nur allgemeine Ansichten zur Existenz des menschengemachten Klimawandels, sondern auch konkret den Ausbau der Produktion erneuerbarer Energie oder den Atom- und Kohleausstieg. Dabei bildet die AfD den klaren Gegenpol zu den Sympathisant*innen von Bündnis 90/Die Grünen. Abschließend diskutiert der Beitrag die Implikationen dieser Ergebnisse, insbesondere in Bezug auf aktuelle Debatten rund um gesellschaftliche Konfliktlinien und zunehmende Polarisierung.

• Weisskircher, Manes Elias; Hutter, Swen & Borbáth, Endre (2022). Protest and Electoral Breakthrough: Challenger Party-Movement Interactions in Germany. German Politics. ISSN 0964-4008. doi: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2044473. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  This paper studies party-movement interactions in Germany, focusing on Die Linke and the AfD, the two most recent additions to Germany’s multi-party system. The electoral rise of both challenger parties went along with mass protests, opposition to Hartz IV in the mid-2000s and anti-Islamic PEGIDA mobilisation in the mid-2010s. We shift the emphasis from how social movements turn into political parties, including significant organisational and personal overlap, to more indirect ways of how protest and electoral politics interact. Specifically, we identify a process composed of two interrelated mechanisms: an external politicisation spiral and an intra-party innovation spiral. We show how mass protest triggers both discursive shifts in the public sphere and internal strategic realignment, providing an opportunity for parties to ride the wave, secure their competitive advantages, and mobilise on the protestors’ grievances in the electoral arena. In such a way, challenger parties can take advantage of street protests even when they do not directly emerge from a movement. Methodologically, the article is based on a paired comparison, relying on survey data and an original protest event analysis that provides novel data on anti-Hartz IV and PEGIDA protest mobilisation in Germany.

• Hutter, Swen & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). New Contentious Politics. Civil Society, Social Movements, and the Polarisation of German Politics. German Politics. ISSN 0964-4008. doi: 10.1080/09644008.2022.2044474. Full text in Research Archive
• Bedock, Camille; Best, Volker; Otjes, Simon & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). A policy like no other? The populist radical right challenge in the field of democracy reform. Party Politics. ISSN 1354-0688. doi: 10.1177/13540688221089126. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The literature on the populist radical right has underlined the party family’s influence on a variety of issues, such as immigration, welfare, and the EU. However, scholars have hardly studied its influence in the field of democracy reform, even though populist radical right parties strongly criticize how democratic systems currently function. In an exploratory and qualitative study of four cases, we analyze the adaptation (or lack thereof) of mainstream parties to populist radical right parties’ challenge in the field of democracy reform in Austria, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, focusing on direct democracy. In contrast to other policy issues, we find limited adaptation of mainstream parties in the field of democracy reform: Instead of being a driver on democracy reform, the populist radical right is merely a fellow passenger. Where it has an effect, that effect is mostly negative, turning mainstream parties away from direct democracy.

• Fangen, Katrine (2022). Rasisme som renhetsideologi. In Døving, Cora Alexa (Eds.), Rasisme : Fenomenet, forskningen, erfaringene. Universitetsforlaget. ISSN 9788215063065. p. 287–306. Full text in Research Archive
• Kyriazi, Anna; Mendes, Mariana S.; Rone, Julia & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). The Politics of Emigration in Europe: A Research Agenda*. Journal of Common Market Studies. ISSN 0021-9886. doi: 10.1111/jcms.13392. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  While the politics of immigration in destination countries has been a prominent topic of research in comparative political science in Europe, the same does not apply to emigration and to the perspective of peripherical EU countries. This is true even though the flows of people moving from east to west and from south to north pose potentially significant challenges to ‘sending countries’ in Europe. This article sets up a research agenda aimed at contributing to redress this imbalance. It highlights the need to explore more systematically themes such as (1) the impact of emigration on the political behaviour of both those who stay and those who leave and (2) and how emigration is framed and politicized by relevant societal actors. Ultimately, it draws attention to the fact that a lot of the questions that have been asked about ‘entry’ (immigration) need to be asked about ‘exit’ too (emigration).

• Otteni, Cyrill & Weisskircher, Manes (2021). Global warming and polarization. Wind turbines and the electoral success of the greens and the populist radical right. European Journal of Political Research. ISSN 0304-4130. doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.12487. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The increased salience of environmental concerns, first and foremost global warming, is one of the key developments of contemporary Western European politics. Still, the effects of global warming issues on electoral outcomes, party competition and polarization remain poorly understood. Our article shows how the construction of wind turbines fuels conflict between its key proponents and opponents, Green and populist radical right parties. Contention over the issue contributes to the electoral success of both sides and therefore reinforces the new central divide between them. Drawing on a novel dataset, we investigate the impact of the construction of wind turbines on Alternative für Deutschland and Green party electoral success in Germany. We employ a two-way fixed effects model, where the construction of wind turbines functions as the independent variable. We show that the construction of wind turbines boosts the electoral support of both their biggest supporters and their biggest opponents. Our results have important implications for understanding contemporary political conflict in Western Europe such as the electoral rise of the Greens and the populist radical right, the importance of issue salience and the polarization of party systems.

• Heinze, Anna-Sophie & Weisskircher, Manes (2021). No strong leaders needed? Afd party organisation between collective leadership, internal democracy, and “movement‐party” strategy. Politics and Governance. 9(4), p. 263–274. doi: 10.17645/pag.v9i4.4530. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  This article analyses the formal and lived organisation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany). We show that the party is exceptional among what is usually understood as the populist radical right (PRR) party family, at least from an organisational perspective: The AfD sharply contradicts the “standard model” of PRR party organisation, which emphasises “charismatic” leadership and the centralisation of power as key features. Instead, studying the AfD’s efforts to adopt some elements of a mass-party organisation and its relatively decentralised decision-making underlines the importance of “movement-party” strategy, collective leadership, and internal democracy—concepts that are usually associated with Green and left-wing parties. Our analysis shows how the party’s organisation is essential for understanding its development more broadly as it reflects and reinforces sharp intra-party conflict. From this perspective, the case of the AfD sheds new light on the relationship between PRR party organisation and electoral success, indicating the importance of strong ties to parts of society over effective internal management as long as demand for anti-immigration parties is high. We conclude that even though AfD quickly built up a relatively inclusive organisational structure, the role of both its leadership and its rank-and-file is still a matter of controversy.

• Erdal, Marta Bivand & Fangen, Katrine (2021). A state-centred conception of nationhood? Norwegian bureaucrats on the nation. Ethnicities. ISSN 1468-7968. doi: 10.1177/14687968211012567. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  This article engages critically with the idea of state-centred nationhood, including its promises and limitations, as a foundation for state strategies of forging unity in (migration-related) diversity within nations. As states across Europe grapple with the management of migration-related diversity in contexts of increasing polarization of public debate on nationhood, which conceptions of nationhood do they draw on? We build on data from Norway, including policy documents and parliamentary debates, and draw on ten interviews with eleven bureaucrats in senior positions. Our interviewees were tasked with different aspects of the state’s nation building work, such as immigration control, national minorities (including Sami populations), religious and life-stance communities, and the 200-year anniversary of the Constitution. When asking which conceptions of nationhood bureaucrats draw on, we acknowledge that someone is doing the state’s nation building work. We find that the bureaucrats draw on a range of conceptions of nationhood, where ethnic and civic, more open and more closed dimensions, are mobilized. However, we did not find a cohesive conception of a state-centred nationhood being promulgated. Instead, our interviewees expressed uncertainty about how and to what extent nationhood could or should be mobilized to forge unity among Norwegian citizens. We argue that future research should move beyond dichotomies such as ethnic/civic or elite/everyday nationhood to theorize the composite articulations of nationhood which emerge empirically. Who bureaucrats effectively see as the imagined community, we argue, remains central to understanding states nation-building efforts

• Fangen, Katrine & Lichtenberg, Lisanne (2021). Gender and family rhetoric on the German far right. Patterns of Prejudice. ISSN 0031-322X. 55(1), p. 71–93. doi: 10.1080/0031322X.2021.1898815. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Historically, the family and, more generally, gender policies have been a central issue in both nationalist and far-right rhetoric. This holds particularly for Germany, where the so-called male-breadwinner model and the rhetoric of Kinder, Kirche and Küche have a long tradition. At the same time, Germany’s national socialist past gives rhetoric around family as a continuation of the nation a particular negative association. In this article, we will review the family policies and views on gender roles, as well as the views on Muslims, of politicians from two German far-right parties and their youth organizations, as well as one German anti-immigrant social movement organization. Our data material consists of press releases, party programmes and social media posts. Our article adds to the growing literature on the importance of gender in nationalist and far-right policies in general, and in far-right argumentation against Islam in particular. Our specific contribution is a detailed focus on similarities and differences in various organizations of the German far right, as well as an analysis that draws on concepts such as femonationalism and similar perspectives, such as Rogers Brubaker’s notion of civilizationism.

• Gattinara, Pietro Castelli & Froio, Caterina (2021). Italy: The Mainstream Right and its Allies, 1994–2018. In Bale, Tim & Kaltwasser, Cristobal Rovira (Ed.), Riding the Populist Wave: Europe's Mainstream Right in Crisis. Cambridge University Press. ISSN 9781316518762. p. 170–192. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2020). Gendered images of us and them in anti-Islamic Facebook groups. Politics, Religion & Ideology. ISSN 2156-7689. 21(4), p. 451–468. doi: 10.1080/21567689.2020.1851872. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Since the turn of the century, anti-Islamic sentiments have become increasingly present in public debate. Scholars conducting research on the far right have even warned that the extreme has become mainstream. A key aspect of this situation is the prominence of gender images in the construction of ‘us and them’ distinctions in arguments against Muslims and Islam. This article examines two anti-Islamic Facebook groups. The main arguments of participants in these groups are that Norwegian women are in need of protection from dangerous Muslim men, and that Muslim women are oppressed but there is no need to feel sorry for them as they have chosen this subordinate position themselves. Further, group members not only make use of the well-known stereotypes of dangerous Muslim men and Muslim women as victims, but do so in explicitly sexist language, so that it is difficult to see them as unequivocal proponents of gender equality. Humour, emotions and jargon contribute to building a group atmosphere of xenophobia. The article analyses the group discussions in the light of theories and concepts of ‘femonationalism’ and right-wing populism.

• Fangen, Katrine & Nilsen, Maria Reite (2020). Variations within the Norwegian Far Right: From neo-Nazism to anti-Islamism. Journal of Political Ideologies. ISSN 1356-9317. 26(3), p. 278–297. doi: 10.1080/13569317.2020.1796347. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Since 2011, we have witnessed both the worst terror attack ever on Norwegian soil as well as an attempted act of terror. Both actions were conducted by right-wing extremists, who were radicalized by inspiration from, but not actual participation in, far right anti-Islamist groups. Even though most of the current far right groups in Norway do not openly support violence they are not innocent, as the rhetoric they propagate has directly inspired such actions. In this article, we use social movement theory to understand interviews we conducted with leaders of two anti-Islamist groups and one neo-Nazi group, specifically to analyse their mobilizing ideas and proposed solutions to the problems they imagine, as well as whether they believe they have support in the general population. Further, we analyse how the actors’ views relate to broader discourses in society. As a background to our analysis, we refer to the larger landscape of far-right groups in Norway during past decades, as well as their equivalents in other European countries.

• Gattinara, Pietro Castelli & Zamponi, Lorenzo (2020). Uneven ground: The asymmetric competition between anti-refugee and solidarity movements in Italy. Politiche Sociali. ISSN 2284-2098. p. 267–290. doi: 10.7389/97989. Full text in Research Archive
• Lewicki, Aleksandra & Shooman, Yasemin (2020). Building a New Nation: Anti-Muslim Racism in Post-Unification Germany. Journal of Contemporary European Studies. ISSN 1478-2804. 28(1), p. 30–42. Full text in Research Archive

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• Jasper, James; Elliott-Negri, Luke; Jabola-Carolus, Isaac; Kagan, Marc; Mahlbacher, Jessica & Weisskircher, Manes Elias [Show all 7 contributors for this article] (2022). Gains and Losses: How Protestors Win and Lose. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780197623251. 232 p. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2022). En bok om nynazister. Universitetsforlaget. ISBN 9788215000824. 376 p. Full text in Research Archive

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• Fangen, Katrine (2025). How the far right is expanding its international network. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Radical right-wing movements like Germany's AfD party are on the rise worldwide. They are united by nationalism, populism and the fight against immigration. Their network is becoming increasingly transnational.

• Fangen, Katrine (2025). The role of gender in violent extremism. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2024). Anti-immigration attitudes in Europe. Full text in Research Archive
• Dammen, Kristine Brastad & Fangen, Katrine (2024). Antiglobalistiske allianser? Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Ytre høyre og ytre venstre stemmer likt i spørsmål om globalt økonomisk samarbeid. Hvorfor finner de ikke sammen?

• Fangen, Katrine (2024). Outward-looking nationalism? Transnational influences, contacts and anti-globalist frames among Norwegian anti-immigration actors. Right Now!. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2024). Om repressive reaksjoner på propalestinske ytringer. sosiologen.no. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2024). Europe’s middle ground slides to the right under extremist influence. [Internet]. The Christian Science Monitor. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  For the surging far right in Germany, a Syrian asylum-seeker’s brutal knife attack that killed three and wounded eight others could not have been better timed. It’s election season, and the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) jumped on the Aug. 23 incident, riding the party’s anti-immigration platform to victory on Sunday. The party won 33% of the vote in one east German state election – the first state win for the extreme right since World War II – and a second-place finish with about 30% in another. The AfD is unlikely to be able to form a regional government; its more moderate rivals will boycott the extremist group when it comes to building ruling coalitions. But across Europe, radical right-wingers – from authoritarian-minded populists to out-and-out Nazis – are wielding increasing influence on mainstream parties.

• Dammen, Kristine Brastad & Fangen, Katrine (2024). Anti-globalist alliances? Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2024). Moral Panic and Repression: The Contentious Politics of Anti-Semitism in Germany. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2023). Personvern, samtykkeskjema og deltakende observasjon. [Radio]. Antropodden. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2023). Det hvite sinnet. [TV]. TV2. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2023). Variation within the Norwegian Far right. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2023). Workshop on methodological, ethical and technical training for online research on the far right. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2023). Høyreekstremisme og islamofobi i Europa. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2023). En grundig og tankevekkende bok om det radikale høyre. sosiologen.no. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2022). Høyreekstremisme ut fra et kjønnsperspektiv. Full text in Research Archive
• Císař, Ondřej & Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). Left-wing social movements between strong European identities and the challenges of transnational activism. The case of DiEM25. In Blokker, Paul (Eds.), Imagining Europe. Transnational Contestation and Civic Populism. Palgrave Macmillan. ISSN 9783030813680. Full text in Research Archive
• Weisskircher, Manes Elias (2022). The Importance of Being Eastern German. The Multiple Heartlands of Germany’s Far Right. In Eur, Södertörn University Centre for Baltic and East (Eds.), The Many Faces of the Far Right in the Post-Communist Space: A Comparative Study of Far-Right Movements and Identity in the Region. Södertörns Högskola. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2022). Book review: Cynthia Miller-Idriss, Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right. Young - Nordic Journal of Youth Research. ISSN 1103-3088. 30(3), p. 299–303. doi: 10.1177/11033088211041726. Full text in Research Archive
• Harpviken, Kristian Berg (2022). How Social Movements (Sometimes) Matter. Journal of Peace Research. ISSN 0022-3433. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2022). Kjønn og retorikk på ytre høyrefløy. Full text in Research Archive
• Fardan, Christopher Rettedal & Fangen, Katrine (2022). En forsvarlig mediedekning av ekstreme gruppers demonstrasjoner. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2022). Fra politiske ungdomsgrupper i Øst-Tyskland til innvandrere og innvandringskritikere i Norge. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Bokanmeldelse av Cynthia Miller-Idriss: Hate in the Homeland. Norsk sosiologisk tidsskrift. 5(3), p. 63–66. doi: 10.18261/issn.2535-2512-2021-03-05. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Kvinner står i front for europeisk høgrepopulisme. [Journal]. Framtida. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Hvorfor ble muslimer den nye fienden i Norge og Europa? Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Democracy’s Scars: Adorno’s Lecture on Right-Wing Radicalism. PRIO Blogs. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Why did Muslims become the new enemy in Europe? Right Now!. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Demokratiets arr: Adornos foredrag om høyreradikalisme. sosiologen.no. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Anti-immigrant Actors – Transnational, Insular Nationalists, or rather Transborder Nationalists? Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine (2021). Kinder, Kirche, Küche: Gender and family rhetoric of the German far right. Right Now!. Full text in Research Archive
• Fangen, Katrine & Skjelsbæk, Inger (2020). Editorial to special issue on gender and the far right. Politics, Religion & Ideology. ISSN 2156-7689. 21(4), p. 411–415. doi: 10.1080/21567689.2020.1851866. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Debates about, as well as changes in, gender norms and gender policies have great potential for political mobilization: they encircle social and political developments as movements towards societal stabilization—or its opposite, destabilization. Contested issues include abortion, family policy, whether women are by nature more suited for childcare than men, sex education in schools, teaching of gender studies at universities, views on sexual minorities (including homosexuals’ right to marry and to adopt children). Positions on these issues follow political dividing lines, with the far right at one end of the spectrum. At the same time as the global governance system is pushing for increased gender equality, there are powerful forces opposed to such a goal. Anti-feminist and anti-gender-equality sentiments mark new nationalist policies and rhetoric, as well as populist and extremist mobilization. Several scholars have argued that we are witnessing the rise of a new form of patriarchy and masculine norms and grievances, as well as the fear of a low of traditional values. Male resentment and victimhood among certain groups is heralded as one of many explanatory factors for much of the nationalist mobilization and political change observed in recent years: from the coming to power of Donald J. Trump in the USA, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, to Brexit and illiberal democratic developments in Europe.

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